This article presents the Ndau indigenous knowledge and spiritual concept of marombo as sacred places.¹ Marombo are set-aside spaces used as meeting places for the living and spiritual worlds. They are mostly revered by ensuring that no deforestation takes place around them. They are thickly covered by evergreen trees and grass. They act as shrines where the Ndau people carry out rituals for and with their departed ones. This conceptualisation of marombo resonates with Ezenweke and Nwachukwu (2023:124), who posit that sacred places and/or sites are revered ‘spaces of deep spiritual connection, serving as sanctuaries for religious, cultural, and communal practices’. The aim of this article is to explore how Ndau marombo can be innovated to be an indigenous knowledge agency for the fight against climate change among rural communities. To perform this exploration, the article adopts Afrocentric qualitative methods, including observations and interviews, to gather data from key traditional leaders of the Ndau people. The study starts this activity with a brief history of the Ndau people upon whom the study was carried out, followed by a review of literature on sacred places and/or sites from an African perspective, the methodology adopted in collecting data, presentation, and discussion of findings, and ends with a conclusion section.

Climate change has attracted the attention of the United Nations. It is addressed in the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). SDG 13 focuses on Climate Action, whereby the United Nations is urging all nations to take action to minimise the effects of climate change in the form of earthquakes, tsunamis, tropical cyclones, and flooding. These have left devastating consequences for all people in general and marginalised and non-developed communities in particular. The Ndau people of south-eastern Zimbabwe are no exception. For the Ndau people, climate change brings newer and more complicated challenges for them. Communities need to develop strategies that make them more climate-change proof.

Epistemologically, the Ndau indigenous knowledge is never taken seriously, as is the case with most indigenous communities, under the guise of what Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2020) frames as the ‘geopolitics of power and knowledge’. Yet this knowledge can be helpful in alleviating some of the world’s existential challenges, such as climate change. In the midst of this crisis, there are epistemological questions that need to be asked. For example, Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s (2020) questions about where to go, who to learn from, and who and which knowledge and/or epistemology is to be privileged are instructive for this study. Can Ndau indigenous knowledge and spiritual beliefs on the concept of marombo sacredness be privileged as mitigation measures against the adverse effects of climate change? Given that efforts have been expended on searching for solutions to combat climate change, this article submits that there is no singular system of knowledge that can be used to address climate change. There is a plethora of alternatives. This article aims to explore how Ndau marombo sacredness can be an agency in this crisis. Tackling the environmental crisis caused by climate change requires the shifting of mindsets and the adoption of a multisectoral approach, which Escobar (2018) coins as ‘pluriversity’, a world in which many worlds of epistemology coexist. Religion, particularly African indigenous religion, has been left out in most modern crises’ interventions all over the world, yet it has influenced how humans view nature in general and the environment in particular. Sipeyiye (2020) argues that religions have not been seriously considered potential partners in providing solutions to the environmental crises. Yet most faith traditions stress the importance of honouring creation, acting as responsible stewards, and recognising the interdependence of all living beings (Alokwu, Nweke & Green 2025). Realising this importance ensures sustainable conservation of the environment.

In Zimbabwe, climate change has resulted in extreme weather patterns characterised by unprecedented floods and droughts. For example, Zimbabwe is still trying to recover from Cyclone Idai, ‘which caused untold devastation in Chimanimani and Chipinge Districts, Zimbabwe’ (Chirongoma & Chitando 2021:64). Up to now, no full explanation has been given as to what really happened to have such a calamity. Chirongoma and Chitando (2021) refer to African spirituality in which religion, particularly African indigenous religion, featured prominently in explanations of the tragedy. Droughts have become a perennial crisis in most parts of Zimbabwe, where rainfall has drastically declined. Climate change, in terms of extreme hot temperatures, has made the land very dry. Forests and vegetation have been greatly affected, leaving the land barren. Food insecurity abounds in many communities. It is against this backdrop that the Ndau concept of marombo is explored with a view to assessing its potential in addressing climate change in south-eastern Zimbabwe.

The Ndau people are a minority ethnic group found in the Manicaland province in south-eastern Zimbabwe and south-central parts of Mozambique (MacGonagle 2008; Shenjere-Nyabezi 2015; Sipeyiye 2020). Konyana (2016) states that these people are concentrated in Chipinge and Chimanimani Districts, sprawling into the central parts of Mozambique. It has been noted that this ethnic group has been largely marginalised in scholarship (Sipeyiye 2020). Religiously, the Ndau are as religious as all Africans (Mbiti 1969; Muyambo 2025). They believe in a ubiquitous Supreme Being presiding over several deities. The belief in ancestral, alien, and nature spirits is quite conspicuous among the Ndau, evident in the several ceremonies and rituals they conduct periodically. On matters of nature and the environment, the Ndau understand that they are nature and nature is them. This interconnectedness and dependability are quite evident in the way they steward nature. They have mechanisms in place to ensure that nature is not irresponsibly exploited, such as taboos and sacred spaces, which is the subject matter of this article. To emphasise this interconnectedness and dependability, Sipeyiye (2020:93) argues that the ‘Ndau have respect and a strong belief that the natural world provides a habitat to the spiritual world, and it is the provider of foods, minerals, and other resources’. For him, the sacred shrines, wetlands, and woodlands are spiritual habitats and the foundation of survival. As a marginalised community, most of the Ndau people live in extreme poverty. Climate change brings newer and more complicated challenges for them. This article is, therefore, an exploration of how the Ndau aspect of sacred places, particularly marombo, can be leveraged in the mitigation of climate change.

There is a plethora of literature that appraises the use of indigenous beliefs and practices in the conservation of the environment. Nevertheless, there exist significant gaps in how marginalised and underdeveloped communities’ indigenous knowledge on sacred places can act as buffer zones against environmental crises such as climate change. Most research conducted so far has focused on the sacredness of grooves, forests, mountains, and rivers, with no close reference to the nexus between sacred spaces and climate change or environmental crises. This study is an attempt to close that gap by exploring how sacred spaces can intersect with climate change in rural communities.

Mgumia and Oba (2003) state that sacred sites are important as a tool for in situ conservation of flora and fauna because of their widespread distribution and their roles as reservoirs for local biodiversity and threatened species. Sacred places and/or sites, therefore, are set-apart places with a cultural, historical, and religious significance for a particular group of people or community. They are revered places that hold an aura of spirituality. Hence, sacred places are associated with a fear of venturing near them in case one angers the spirits. It is against this understanding of sacred places that there are arguments that sacred places can be used as buffer zones for mitigating unprecedented environmental challenges that confront the world, such as climate change, deforestation, biodiversity loss, pollution, and the depletion of natural resources (Adekomaya & Majozi 2022). Climate change, for example, has devastating consequences for all people in general and marginalised and underdeveloped communities in particular. It has resulted in extreme weather phenomena that require urgent, sustainable interventions. Incessant droughts and destructive floods have characterised weather patterns the world over. There are critical scientific and technological solutions that have been put in place. However, they seem to yield minimal results, as was the case with coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2020). The Ndau concept of marombo as a cultural and religious capital can be used for the conservation of the environment. To achieve this, the study explores how the marombo practice can effectively help the Ndau people in cushioning the effects of climate change, identifies the threats and risks the practice faces, and proffers suggestions as to what should be carried out to usher climate-change-proof interventions that utilise the agency of sacred places.

Writing from the Chinese perspective, Risamasu (2025) focuses on the Akit community, among whom the argument is that the earth is sacred and that this wisdom is shared through the reweaving of indigenous knowledge. The writer is of the opinion that communities, particularly the Akit, deeply respect the intrinsic value and interests of nature. This perspective is evident in their ethical practices, such as the Denes ritual, which reflects a profound respect for natural elements and acknowledges the spiritual significance of these practices (Hasbullah et al. 2022:63).

Tolulope et al.’s (2025) study in Nigeria emphasises the application of indigenous knowledge by communities as coping strategies of climate change, but goes further to indicate that such initiatives do not yield much without the requisite support. They argue that, ‘without substantial and targeted support, rural communities will struggle to withstand the ongoing and future impacts of climate change’ (Tolulope et al. 2025:6).

In Zimbabwe, Mubaya et al. (2025) reflect on how sacred heritage sites act as catalysts in transforming the livelihoods of rural communities in south-eastern Zimbabwe. Focusing on Chingoma Falls, they argue that the sacred site transforms the livelihoods of local Mudzami residents by assisting local farmers in forecasting the coming of good harvests and droughts, and informing farmers to plant timeously and choose appropriate seed varieties every season.

Focusing on the Ndau people, Sipeyiye (2020) views communal existence as the heartbeat of the Ndau people. Their respect for nature and the environment is anchored by this perspective. He argues that the Ndau people’s attitude to aquatic life, wetlands, woodlands, and sacred trees is indicative of interconnectedness, reverence, embeddedness, and reciprocity that exists between them and nature. It is a symbiotic relationship of give and take. Hence, the emphasis is on the protection of nature at all costs, for nature feeds them and it, in return, requires their good stewardship.

Muyambo and Maposa’s (2014) study demonstrates the sacredness of wells and the beliefs and practices associated with them. Their major finding was that the Ndau people are ecologically conscious that any harm to the environment has disastrous consequences for humanity. Their argument is that it is possible to link culture and technology in water resource management in a world where clean water is increasingly becoming a scarce resource.

While the brief literature review above demonstrates that communities have their beliefs and practices that can be leveraged to withstand the vagaries of environmental crises such as climate change, this study builds on such literature and goes further to suggest that there is a need for substantial and targeted support for rural communities, in particular, to realise their hidden potential to address 21st century environmental challenges. If one argues from a coloniality perspective, this takes concerted efforts by governments, non-governmental organisations, and civil society to educate communities that their long-standing traditions, which have been vilified during colonisation (coloniality of power, knowledge, and being), can be tailored to address the issues of climate change. It is suggested and recommended that more work needs to be performed on the efficacy of indigenous knowledge surrounding sacred spaces in the context of environmental challenges such as climate change.

The research was informed by insights from Grosfoguel’s (2007) model of coloniality with its dimensions of (1) coloniality of power, (2) coloniality of knowledge, and (3) coloniality of Being (Seroto 2018:4–5). It examines the impact of colonisation on a people’s power to identify themselves, people’s indigenous knowledge and knowledge production, and people’s Being (Seroto 2018). Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2013) is of the view that the worst form of colonisation in Africa is an epistemological one. In other words, that is colonisation that relegates a people’s knowledge about themselves and knowledge production to the margins while centring the knowledge of the coloniser. For Cesaire (2000:32), a leading decolonial theorist, colonisation is a ‘disruptive, decivilising, dehumanising, exploitative, racist, violent, brutal, covetous, and “thingfying” system’. This experience leaves people at a loss as to how their own ‘Power’, ‘Knowledge’, and ‘Being’ can help them rediscover themselves. In other words, this impact has resulted in the ‘Othering’ of the African people to such an extent that they can no longer hold fast to their beliefs and practices. Yet these beliefs and practices are their safety nets in times of crises. The COVID-19 pandemic has taught us the ‘geopolitics of knowledge’ (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2020), in which indigenous knowledge was never given a chance to address the pandemic. Grosfoguel’s coloniality model was helpful in identifying that the Ndau people’s resilient beliefs and practices, particularly their concept of marombo, could be leveraged to address climate change, especially where Western knowledge has failed. The article argues that there is scope for leveraging indigenous beliefs and practices in addressing world challenges. If the beliefs and practices of the Ndau concept of marombo are given substantial and targeted support, one of the SDGs, SDG 13, which focuses on Climate Action, can be realised.

This section provides empirical data gathered through interviews with key informants and observation. Themes developed from research questions used in interviews are used to guide the sub-sections of the fieldwork results.

This section offers reflections on how marombo, as sacred spaces, can be agencies of climate change mitigation. Findings reveal that marombo, as sacred places among the Ndau, have cultural and religious significance. The Ndau hold such places with awe to an extent that no one dares tamper with such places. The places are supposed to remain holy as the meeting place of the dead and the living. This sacredness of marombo sets them, in Eliade’s (1959:11) words, ‘as wholly different from the profane’. For Eliade (1959:20), ‘some parts of space are qualitatively different from others’. This resonates with the key informants’ submissions as they indicated that marombo are not ordinary spaces but set-apart places where the spirits of the community abode. Eliade (1959) makes it succinctly clear when he separates sacred places from profane space. For him, a sacred place is non-homogeneous whereas profane space is ‘homogenous and neutral, no break qualitatively differentiates the various parts of its mass’ (Eliade 1959:22).

While the Ndau people seem not to see a link between their sacred marombo and the need to leverage it (marombo) to fight climate change, there is scope in tapping marombo not only as culturally and religiously significant but also as places for conserving the environment from climate change. The participants indicated that marombo are safe from depletion because of the cultural and religious significance attached to them as habitats of the dead. What needs to be interrogated here is whether the respect accorded marombo and the claims made about the repercussions of violating them are out of genuine respect for the environment. Taringa (2006) argues that while the romantic attitude of the Shona people to nature can be viewed as being environmentally friendly, it is also possible that the people’s reverence for nature is out of fear and respect for the ancestors rather than nature itself. If one takes a cue from this argument, then marombo are revered not because of the intrinsic value in themselves but because of the fear of the wrath of the living dead. Narratives from the participants reveal that most people ‘respect’ marombo not because they are conscious of their value for climate change mitigation but because of the fear of the nature spirits.

Findings reveal that there are many taboos that surround the efficacy of marombo as habitats of the spirits of the dead. These taboos, such as anyone who violates marombo may meet roaming lions, are meant to ensure that no one dares marombo, even for cutting trees for firewood or other domestic chores. It is interesting to note that taboos or avoidance rules are generally made to influence members of society to conform to society’s values and norms (Chigidi 2009). For him, taboos are meant to guarantee conformity by threatening people with unpleasant consequences should they disobey the rules. Osei-Tutu (2017) admits that taboos are a distinct type of informal institution for effective and efficient natural resource management. However, he argues that taboos are being eroded as communities transform, leading to a loss of their influence on resource-use practice. These circumstances cast a shadow of doubt on the Ndau claims on marombo. The youth, as revealed by the participants, are no longer sanctioned by these taboos that are meant to protect and preserve marombo. This case points to the fact that the Ndau concept of marombo can be an efficacious intervention measure against climate change. Arguing from Grosfoguel’s coloniality model, this study submits that there is a need to decolonise the minds of the youth who are future custodians of this heritage.

Inasmuch as there are threats and risks faced by marombo, as outlined in this article, there are possibilities of substantial and targeted support for the rural communities from other stakeholders such as the government, non-governmental organisations, and other well-intentioned entities. These stakeholders can be handy in complementing communities in safeguarding their environment, thereby minimising the impacts of climate change. They can educate local communities on how best they can link their beliefs and practices with technology. The use of new technology as energy sources for rural communities can alleviate the pressure on environmental degradation. For example, governments and non-governmental organisations must partner with rural communities and traditional leadership in preserving sacred places. The use of solar, biogas, and other renewable energy for community household needs, such as cooking, reduces deforestation for firewood. Once communities have access to these modern sources of energy, the pressure on woodlands is eased, thereby preserving the natural environment. This step enhances rainfall patterns, vegetation growth, soil conservation, and a balanced ecosystem. Successive weather shocks such as droughts, floods, high temperatures and food insecurity caused largely by climate change could be brought under check.

The study demonstrated that the concept of marombo can be an agency in mitigating climate change. The research has focused on the themes that emerged from the study to illustrate how marombo can be leveraged for the management of the environment. The article has also outlined some of the challenges that confront marombo as an agency towards the attainment of SDG 13. Thus, despite the disregard of marombo by the youth and the Christian religion, it can be concluded that a lot needs to be achieved to push back the coloniality of power, coloniality of knowledge, and coloniality of being, which are largely responsible for the wanton disregard and scorn of marombo as sacred places in African cosmology.