Original Research

Rethinking urban mission in light of migration: An integrated ecclesiological model

Christopher Magezi

Received: 14 July 2025; Accepted: 19 Nov. 2025; Published: 18 Dec. 2025

Copyright: © 2025. The Author. Licensee: AOSIS.
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

Abstract

The complex interplay of the push and pull factors of migration culminates in individuals and families relocating to unfamiliar cities, and this poses challenges to the urban mission of the Church, which has to rethink its ways of doing mission in that context. Furthermore, both internal and international migration can worsen poverty in urban areas. Consequently, the contemporary Church is expected to partake in God’s holistic mission to the world, so it must actively respond to such human crises. Many theologians and missiologists regard cities as the centres of gravity for the mission of the Church. However, their contributions to urban theological discourse in academic and popular publications should be continually updated and scripturally enhanced, with the view to constructing a theological and integrated ecclesiological model for doing mission in cities, which are progressively experiencing influxes of migrants. Thus, in dialoguing with Scripture and contemporary studies on global urban situations, this article develops a theological and integrated ecclesiological model on running urban-based ministries.

Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: Furthermore, the study pays particular attention to the urban landscape of fear, which emanates from high rates of criminal activities and moral decadence.

Keywords: migration; opportunities and challenges for the Church; Church’s mission; urban mission scholars; holistic mission; evangelism; incarnational ministry model; urban landscape of fear; community security platforms.

Introduction

The 21st century is significantly defined by urbanisation, with the majority of the world’s population now residing in cities, a figure projected to increase to 75% by 2050 (Awumbila 2014:3; UN DESA 2015). This demographic shift is fuelled by migration, driven by an unprecedented interplay of push and pull factors that draw individuals to urban centres (Awumbila 2014:3; Eisenmann 2021; IOM 2025; Trask 2022:4).

While this study adopts a global perspective on urban migration and mission, it critically accounts for contemporary geographical dynamics. Urban growth in the Global North is generally slowing, primarily sustained by transnational migration (Awumbila 2014:3; Trask 2022:4). In sharp contrast, cities in the Global South, especially in Africa and Asia, are experiencing an explosion of urban growth at an unprecedented rate (Awumbila 2014:3; UN DESA 2015). Given that migration is a universal phenomenon, this research proceeds with a general global focus, premised on the conviction that the underlying principles and concepts of urban migration are broadly applicable across diverse urban settings, even though the challenges differ in severity (Mayors Migration Council 2024; Toxigon 2024). This allows for the construction of a widely applicable theological model.

The vital role of cities in contemporary life frames them as the ‘essential work for this time’ (White 2012:10). This significance is reflected in missiological studies, where the city is seen as the centre of gravity for the Church’s mission because of its inherent diversity and density. Cities, while attracting vast numbers of people from diverse religious backgrounds – including ‘the rich and the poor … diplomats and businessmen and women’ – present massive Christian mission opportunities that surpass those in rural areas (Alawode & Jangado 2023:1). Urban mission scholars have consistently challenged the Church to prioritise these contexts, viewing cities as strategic places for mission where the reached, unreached and marginalised dwell in close proximity (Bakke 1987; Conn & Ortiz 2001; Greenway & Monsma 2000; Grigg 1987; Kritzinger 1990). This strategic shift towards urban mission, however, is not a call for the abandonment of rural work.

Theological and missiological discourse on the city is extensive, informed by prominent scholars whose works remain authoritative despite their age in some cases (Bakke 1987; Conn & Ortiz 2001; Greenway & Monsma 2000; Grigg 1987; Jacobson 1994:395–397; Kritzinger 1990). More contemporary contributions, from authors such as Gornik (2012), Santos (2014), Gonçalves (2016), Banda (2017), Bazzell (2018), Alawode and Jangado (2023), and Kabongo (2024:1–18), continue to enrich this field, often focusing on specific contexts. For example, Banda (2017) applied the African kraal ecclesiological model to poverty in Zimbabwe, while Gornik (2012) investigated the dynamics of African Christianity in New York City. These works generally affirm that urban migration should ultimately culminate in the proclamation of God’s kingdom and the renewal of all things (Meehan 2016) and that the application of theology in urban mission involves identifying with the marginalised (Kabongo 2024:1–18).

While the contributions of the aforementioned scholars are crucial, the continually emerging migration trends necessitate that existing models be constantly reviewed and enriched by fresh insights from Scripture and the contemporary contexts of urban mission. This necessity arises particularly because most recent studies focus on specific contexts (e.g. Alawode & Jangado 2023; Banda 2017; Bazzell 2018; Gornik 2012). This article, in contrast, aims to develop a contextually suitable theological and integrated ecclesiological model (IEM) that is broadly applicable to global cities experiencing progressive influxes of migrants.

The purpose of this article is to develop a theological and IEM for conducting mission in cities, drawing insights from Scripture, extant literature on urban mission and the contemporary urban situation. To accomplish this objective, the article is structured in four main sections. The initial section provides a Conceptualisation of Urban Growth and Migration, defining and contextualising internal and international migration within contemporary global trends and briefly discussing the connection between population growth and the push and pull factors. The second section then delineates the Challenges and Opportunities that urban migration practically presents to the Church. Following this, the third section outlines scholarly views on the Theological and Ecclesiological Model of urban mission in the context of migration, culminating in the proposal of a theological and IEM for urban mission that specifically addresses the pervasive culture of fear in cities. Finally, the article offers a Conclusion by highlighting the main arguments and findings.

Conceptualising the connection between population growth in urban cities and migration

Many scholars concur that urban population growth is closely linked to migration. For instance, Eisenmann (2021:n.p.) presents migration as the ‘demographic process that links rural to urban areas, generating or spurring the growth of cities’. Likewise, the IOM (2025) states that cities grow as a result of the influx of internal and international migrants. In substantiation, Trask (2022) argues that:

The migration of persons represents one of the most important social phenomena of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Closely linked with migration is the rapid urbanization that is occurring in so many parts of the world. (p. 4)

The unprecedented growth of urban population is also called rapid urbanisation or urban transition (Eisenmann 2021:n.p.; IOM 2025; Migration Data Portal 2022:n.p.; Trask 2022:4; United Nations (UN) 2018). Migration Data Portal (2022:n.p.) repackages the United Nations’ (2018) definition of urbanisation as follows:

[U]rbanisation implies an alteration in population from one that is dispersed across small rural settlements, in which agriculture is the dominant economic activity, towards one that is concentrated in larger and denser urban settlements characterised by a dominance of industrial and service activities. (n.p.)

Urbanisation is a product of the ensuing processes: (1) natural population growth, (2) when more people move from rural to urban areas, (3) when boundaries of what is considered urban are extended, and/or (4) from the creation of new urban centres (Migration Data Portal 2022:n.p.). The IOM (2025; cf. Migration Data Portal 2022) agrees with the aforesaid, but further advances that the underlying reality is that internal and international migration are ‘[…] significant contributor[s] to urbanization, as people move in search of social and economic opportunities or as a result of environmental deterioration’.

The previous assertion is embedded in the fact that the year 2010 experienced (IOM 2025):

[M]ore than 200 million people, equal to about 3 per cent of the world’s population, living in a country different from the one in which they were born, and migration within countries continues at high levels. (n.p.)

Furthermore, ‘more than half of the world’s population now lives in towns and cities, and the figure is projected to rise to 75 per cent by 2050’ (IOM 2025). Indeed, this large influx of people into cities results in rapid urbanisation, and it is a product of internal and international dimensions of migration (IOM 2025; cf. Buju n.d:n.p.). Internal migration is when people relocate from one place to another within the borders of their country (IOM 2025). Conversely, international migration occurs when people temporarily or permanently relocate to destinations across international borders (IOM 2025). Having established the link between urban population growth and migration, the ensuing section provides a vivid global overview of internal and international migrants who live in cities.

A global overview of internal and international migrants living in urban areas

The IOM (2025) states that by 2014, more than 54% of the global population was residing in urban areas. Ghosh (2019:n.p.) indicates that urban population rose sixfold from 751 million in 1950 to 4.2 billion in 2018. This rapid urbanisation is a global phenomenon (UN 2018:26). For instance, in 1950, Asia was the second least urbanised region, with 18% of its population living in cities (UN 2018). However, by 2018, 50% of the continent’s population was living in urban settlements (UN 2018). According to future projections, 66% will be living in cities by 2050, yet Asia is ‘still be the second least urbanized geographic region’ (UN 2018).

Africa has the least urbanised population in the world (UN 2018:27). The continent experienced the fastest yearly urbanisation rate of 2.3% from 1950 to 1970 and the second fastest from 1990 to 2018 (UN 2018). The IOM (2025) indicates that in 2014, one billion Africans were already residing in cities, and the figure was predicted to rise to 1.5 billion by 2030. In 2018, 43% of Africans lived in cities. In substantiation, the United Nations (2018) projected that by 2050:

[T]he levels of urbanization of both Africa and Asia will have long since passed the 50 per cent mark (Asia in 2018 and Africa in 2033), making their populations more urban than rural. (p. 27)

In addition, the UN (2018:43) reveals that 55% of the global population was living in urban areas in 2018, with projections of growing to 68% by 2050. In absolute terms, the increase translates to 2.5 billion, with Asia and Africa claiming 90% of this figure (UN 2018). At the national level, India, China and Nigeria are expected to account for 35% of the expected growth at 416 million, 255 million and 189 million, respectively (UN 2018). In 2018, Northern America was the most urbanised region (82%), followed by ‘Latin America and the Caribbean (81%), Europe (74%) and Oceania (68%)’ (UN 2018). In the same year, the rate of urbanisation in Asia rose to 50%, while Africa was rated the most rural, with only 43% of its population residing in cities (UN 2018).

Teye (2018:n.p.) argues that Africa had the lowest urbanisation rate in 2018 because many of its governments discouraged rural to urban migration. However, according to the UN data presented in this section, internal and international migrations contributed significantly to population growth in many African cities. This is supported by Awumbila (2015), who observes that:

Although data from recent population censuses […] indicate that Africa is not the world’s fastest urbanizing region, Africa’s urban population has been growing at a historically unprecedented rate for decades. In 1960, Johannesburg was the only city in sub-Saharan Africa with a population of over 1 million inhabitants; however, by 1970, there were four cities (Cape Town, Johannesburg, Kinshasa and Lagos), and by 2010, there were 33 African cities with populations of over 1 million people. (p. 7)

Indeed, the increasing rate of urbanisation in Africa and Asia indicates a shift in ‘global urbanisation to developing countries and emerging economies’ (UN-Habitat 2014; cf. Awumbila 2014:3).

The UNCTAD (2022:n.p.) reports an increase in the number of people who were living in cities in 2022, when the world population surpassed 8 billion. By 2023, 4.56 billion (57%) of the global population was urbanised, with North America, Latin America and the Caribbean experiencing the highest level of urbanisation (Statista 2023a:n.p.). Although the rate of urbanisation in Africa has been comparatively low, it is not insignificant. Statista (2023b) notes that between 2013 and 2023, South Africa’s urban population rose from 63.79% to 68.82% (Statista 2023b). This means that, because of the internal and international migration, there are more people living in South African cities than in non-urban settlements (cf. UNCTAD 2022:n.p.; Statista 2023a, 2023b:n.p.).

Current projections show that internal and international migration will continue to spur unprecedented growth in urbanisation. For instance, the IOM (2025) predicts that by 2050, 6.4 billion people, globally, will be residing in cities. Having provided an overview of the global trends of urbanisation, the forthcoming subsection will briefly discuss how the interaction between push and pull factors contributes to both internal and international migration.

The push and pull factors of migration to urban areas

The phenomenon of internal and international migration to cities stems from numerous push and pull factors. Kyaing (2014:1–14) and Cohn (2009:70–97) consider these factors as the constituent elements of an important conceptual framework that helps people to understand the phenomenon. The World Economic Forum (2017:15) indicates that people voluntarily and involuntarily migrate to cities because of a variety of factors in both their places of origin and intended destinations (World Economic Forum 2017). Thus, the push and pull factors of migration are considered as ‘forces that either induce people to move to a new location or oblige them to leave old residences’ (INFLIBNET Centre n.d.:n.p.).

There is a plethora of factors that compel people to migrate, and these include a lack of economic opportunities, and unemployment, which invariably culminate in poverty¹. In addition, political turmoil, cultural and religious intolerance also push people to migrate (cf. Steffen 2008:2; INFLIBNET Centre n.d.:n.p.; Jarboe 2017:n.p.; World Economic Forum 2017:16; Trask 2022:4). Trask (2022) further argues that:

Migration is almost always associated with the desire to access better occupational, educational, and social opportunities more easily. Most of this mobility is, thus, associated with the rapid expansion of urbanization as individuals leave rural areas for cities which are perceived as providing increased economic and educational chances. (p. 4)

There are numerous examples of pull factors of migration, which include job opportunities, better employment, higher wages, better facilities, working conditions, business opportunities and amenities (cf. World Economic Forum 2017:16; INFLIBNET Centre n.d.:n.p.; Trask 2022:4).

Notably, the spike in internal and international migration to cities is precipitated by technological advancements, which make it rather easy for people to access information related to their preferred destinations (Bakke 1987:28; Monsma 2000:13–14). For instance, ‘television exports urban persons, values and products that create new social awareness’ (Bakke 1987:32). In particular, developed cities are understood to be growing faster than developing ones because the former attract many poor and dispossessed immigrants who are drawn by better services and more stable economies (Bakke 1987:33–34). In general, people migrate to urban areas, as they regard them as superior in terms of ‘government, education, health care, information, entertainment, trade, industry and warfare’ (Monsma 2000:1415). However, the influx of both internal and international migrants into cities creates some challenges for urban authorities and, consequently, the urban mission of the Church.

Challenges of urban migration

Without doubt, urban migration creates various challenges. The Urban Sustainability Laboratory (2021:n.p.) argues that the unprecedented growth of urban population, because of internal and international migration, is linked to ‘policy issues, spanning demographic, economic and environmental concerns’. From an environmental perspective, cities are often perceived as ‘agents of environmental degradation’ (Urban Sustainability Laboratory 2021) because urbanisation exerts pressure on the land through slums or sprawl. For instance, not many cities have the capacity to meet the ever-rising demand for accommodation, hence, they end up grappling with challenges related to the provision of amenities, commercial and infrastructure development (Urban Sustainability Laboratory 2021).

Awumbila (2015:4) attributes the development of informal settlements and the resultant poverty in many African cities to the influx of internal and international migrants, most of whom regard slums as their primary destinations and they settle there in community clusters with their kinsmen (Awumbila 2015). This results in the extreme urban divide that features in various African cities and their surroundings (Awumbila 2015). There are many reasons why most migrants resort to staying in urban slums. Firstly, many of them find security in existing social networks that consist of close and distant relatives who already reside in shantytowns (Awumbila 2015). Secondly, host governments often exclude international migrants from housing schemes (Awumbila 2015). Thirdly, international migrants cannot afford decent accommodation because they are largely excluded from formal employment opportunities, which are also usually scarce (Awumbila 2015). Fourthly, most poor international migrants are susceptible to acts of xenophobia, so they settle in slum areas that are dominated by their kinsmen (Awumbila 2015). According to UN-Habitat (2014:8ff), Africa, particularly the sub-Saharan sub-continent, has not made significant progress in improving the welfare of the urban poor, particularly those who live in the slums. In the citation below, Awumbila (2025) observes that in many African countries, the new face of poverty is now concentrated in urban slums and the informal economy:

A ‘new face’ of poverty concentrated in urban slums and the urban informal economy. Rapid urban population growth in the context of poor economic performance in most African countries has created a ‘new face’ of poverty, which is characterized by a significant proportion of urban populations living in overcrowded informal settlements, or slums. (p. 9)

Furthermore, although urban migration can result in the fragmentation and destruction of the family fabric, migrants can remit cash and groceries, among many other things, to sustain their family members back home (Trask 2022). This is such a major challenge that:

Both trends have profound effects on family life, family relationships, and family practices. Policies and programs that support migration and well-planned and well-managed sustainable urbanization are closely related to the successful realization of the United Nations Agenda 2030 and the embedded Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). (Trask 2022:4)

In light of the foregoing observation, it would be prudent to highlight that when migrants arrive in urban areas, many of them are faced with challenges such as unemployment, social adaptation and integration into unfamiliar environments (Eisenmann 2021:n.p.; cf. UN-Habitat 2014:8ff). A lack of employment increases inequalities and places a strain on housing, and other social and economic resources that are essential to urban areas (Eisenmann 2021:n.p.). In addition, political change usually occurs when people of different nationalities and origins live in ‘large, nucleated settlements’ (Awumbila 2015). The link between migration and urbanisation does not solely refer to the:

[G]rowth of population in towns and cities but also to the extent to which this growth is accompanied by structural shifts in the economy and employment, and by social and political changes that may occur when people live in large, nucleated settlements. (Awumbila 2015:4)

Urban migration also creates challenges and opportunities for the mission of the Church and, therefrom, a relevant theological and IEM can be constructed. In this way, the ensuing subsection will present the challenges and opportunities for the Church in urban cities because of migration.

The Church’s response to the challenges and opportunities of urban migration

Migration is a multifaceted global phenomenon that generates a diverse range of both challenges and benefits for migrants and their host communities alike (Castles, De Haas & Miller 2020:3–10). This is evident across several major geopolitical corridors, from flows originating on the African continent and moving towards European nations, to movements from Central America into the United States (De Haas, Castles & Miller 2019:147–151), as well as significant intra-continental migration across Africa (Adepoju 2008:75–78). Within the complex dynamics of intra-African movement, a pronounced challenge frequently arises: the elicitation of xenophobic responses from political actors, receiving nation-states and host communities (Crush & Tawodzera 2017:1–5), which fundamentally underscores a significant difficulty inherent in contemporary global migration patterns.

While acknowledging the broad socio-economic and political challenges outlined above, the scope of the subsequent analysis is specifically delineated to focus on the challenges that migration presents for the Church. This institution is conceptualised here as the community of God, fundamentally established in and through individuals’ faith in the redemptive acts of Jesus Christ and called to participate in God’s holistic mission to humanity. This mission is thoroughly demonstrated in the entire earthly ministry of the God-man, Jesus Christ (cf. Bosch 1991:81; Chester 2004:61–62; McNeal 2011:623). As Bosch (1991:81), Chester (2004:61–62), McNeal (2011:623) and many others submit, the Church is a community of God that is graciously called and sent to participate in God’s comprehensive mission, which encompasses preaching the gospel that brings spiritual salvation and caring for people’s physical, emotional, and psychological needs. This is why Menn (2021) conceptualises the Church as:

[T]he only organization Jesus Christ founded. It is more than simply an organization: the church is he body of Christ – the visible manifestation of Christ on the earth. As such, the church is of supreme importance. (p. 1)

However, as the Church partakes in its holistic mission, one must acknowledge that internal and international migrations present challenges for its mission in cities (Kritzinger 1990:117–141). As indicated in section 1.2.1, urban migration has been increasing significantly, and it has made it easier for the Church to accomplish its mission of reaching all people from different language, tribal and national backgrounds (cf. Conn & Ortiz 2001:324; Bakke 1987:28–32; Greenway 2000:82; Monsma 2000:20). Therefore, because of migration, mission is no longer about ‘going there’ but it is now ‘here’ in our local cities, so the Church no longer requires much money to send missionaries to distant countries and cities.

However, it should be qualified that the aforementioned assertion does not mean that the Church can neglect its global missions (cf. Mt 28:16–20; Mk 16:14–18; Lk 24:44–49; Jn 20:19–23 and Ac 1:4–8). Instead, the key point is that local churches can now easily evangelise to different people who would have settled in their cities.

Having acknowledged the benefits that urban migration brings to the Church’s mission, its disadvantages are also worth discussing. To begin with, implementing the holistic mission of the Church has become a huge challenge, as urban areas now harbour multitudes of needy migrants, who flock to cities seeking better economic opportunities and political refuge, among many other reasons (Awumbila 2015:9). Furthermore, Awumbila (2015:9) and Alawode and Jangado (2023:1–8) argue that the new face of poverty is now found in urban areas, particularly the overcrowded informal settlements.

In addition, scholars such as Bakke (1987:33ff), Mpofu (2021:44), Louw (2022:1), Conn and Ortiz (2001:320ff), Greenway (2000:82) and Monsma (2000:20) argue that international migrants are exposed to xenophobia, injustice and exploitation. In this context, the Church should not solely focus on evangelism, but it should also address the prevailing injustices. Such complexities, thus, make it extremely challenging for the Church to carry out its holistic mission (cf. Bosch 1991:81). Alawode and Jangado (2023:1) posit that urban migrants come from different religious, linguistic, ethnic, social class, educational, political and national backgrounds; therefore, the Church must develop a bespoke theological and IEM. This stems from a missiological perspective, which views the Church as the ‘initiator and mediator in dealing with the new challenges that theology will face on every side’ (Verstraelen 1995:467; cf. Keller 1989:54).

Given the foregoing, it would be necessary to pose the following underlying question: Which theological and IEM for urban mission would align with the comprehensive mission of the Church? The envisaged model should pay attention to the challenges and solutions that have been considered in this article. The ensuing section reviews some existing models to draw some helpful insights therefrom, yet going further to develop a model that pays attention to the urban landscape of fear.

Interacting with contemporary urban realities: Towards a holistic theology of urban mission

Urban mission scholars such as Bakke (1987), Monsma (2000), and Conn and Ortiz (2001) consistently advocate for the development of a comprehensive theology of urban mission to enable the Church to minister holistically. This call is particularly urgent given the unprecedented wave of global urbanisation, especially in the Global South, which has become the epicentre of this demographic shift (Mbembe 2021). Effective holistic mission, as Van Engen (2004:50) observes, requires a practical response to current societal challenges. Similarly, Cruz (2010:121) argues that ‘[…] indeed, all theology participates in [God’s] story to address the issue of the day or “the signs of the times”’.

The current reality of cities is increasingly defined by transnational movement and the formation of new communities. Doug Saunders’s influential work on ‘Arrival Cities’ (2010) highlights the crucial role these transitional urban neighbourhoods play globally for migrants seeking better lives, emphasising the complex economic, social and political dynamics at play. Achille Mbembe (2021) further analyses transnational migration and the subsequent evolution of cities in the Global South, viewing African metropolises not merely as sites of arrival but as crucibles of new global futures and forms of political life. This perspective aligns with the observations of Conn and Ortiz (2001:312–313) and Monsma (2000:22), who stress that since global cities now host migrants from diverse ethnic groups – often settling in these ‘Arrival Cities’ – the Church, as Christ’s ambassador (cf. 2 Cor 5:20), must uphold its mandate to evangelise all people (Mt 28:16–20) by developing an urban-oriented mission focus that addresses these new realities.

In tandem with this understanding, Bakke (1987), Monsma and Greenway (2000), and Conn and Ortiz (2001) advocate for a more expansive discourse on framing the wave of urban migration within the evangelical mission mandate of the Church, as espoused in Matthew 28:16–20. This scripture provides a biblical-theological foundation for the Church’s response to the needs, challenges and problems encountered by vulnerable urban migrants. Landau (2020:31–33), a key scholar on African migration, emphasises that these cities are characterised by fundamental uncertainties and ‘hyper-mobility’, arguing that effective interventions must address the structural exclusion that prevents migrants from accessing stable, formal citizenship.

The pervasive issues of injustice and discrimination against needy urban migrants are viewed by urban mission scholars, such as Conn and Ortiz (2001:343–344) and Santos (2014:71), as triggered by the Adamic sin (cf. Gn 3; Rm 3:23–24, 5:12–21) affecting all spheres of humankind. This framework categorises sin into two forms: personal and public (Conn & Ortiz 2001:343–344; Santos 2014:71). The sin of Adam and Eve (Gn 3) resulted in the alienation of humanity from both God and fellow humanity. Reconciliation with God and restoration of human relationships are possible only through belief in Jesus Christ, whose redemptive acts, stretching from the Incarnation to the Parousia, heal and restore all brokenness (Keller 1989:54). McNeal (2011) concurs:

The mission of God is a redemptive mission. Everything that sin broke is being addressed and restored through God’s mission. This includes not just the ruptured relationship between God and humanity, but also the relationship of humans with themselves, with one another, and with the rest of creation. (p. 623)

Conn and Ortiz (2001:324) aptly state the theological principle that all people are equal before God, having been fashioned in His image [Imago Dei]. This principle can propel the Church to address the spiritual and physical needs of marginalised urban migrants. By observing the Imago Dei tenet, Christians can identify with all people, including unsaved urban migrants, and consequently strive to meet their various financial, psychological and emotional needs (Conn & Ortiz 2001). Furthermore, the Church is thereby mandated to actively fight the injustices that local, provincial and national authorities often inflict upon vulnerable urban migrants (Conn & Ortiz 2001). This focus on the dignity of the migrant is echoed by Agbede (2022), whose work on African migratory theologies and the city explores how African Christians understand and articulate their faith and identity within the context of urban migration, often invoking the biblical narrative of migration and sojourning. In direct alignment with this, Francis (2014:n.p.) consistently stresses the ethical mandate to welcome, protect, promote and integrate migrants, arguing that the Church’s response is a crucial sign of its fidelity to the Gospel and a means of defending the inalienable dignity of every person.

Urban mission scholars such as Conn and Ortiz (2001:346), McNeal (2011:623), Santos (2014:71), and Kritzinger (1990) advance the gospel as a panacea to the problems encountered by the urban poor. In advocating for a holistic ministry, Conn and Ortiz (2001:335–336) discuss incarnational ministry as a key strategy and motivation for ‘relocation’ that can effectively address problems associated with urban migration, particularly poverty. Kritzinger (1990:135) considers this incarnational ministry model an essential and most basic dimension of doing mission in any context. The incarnational model championed by Kritzinger (1990:135), Grigg (1987:17), Conn and Ortiz (2001:335–336), McNeal (2011:623), and Santos (2014:71) presses the Church to live among the urban poor and empathise with them. This presence is important, mirroring God’s demonstration in Christ, who assumed the human mode of existence to save humanity from sin and its consequences. The essence of this model is captured in Kritzinger’s (1990) challenge:

A Christian must be present before he/she can be a witness. That is exactly what Jesus did when He was born a human being, and a poor one at that. He came to be present with the people where the needs were. (p. 135)

This ministry strategy, which prioritises living among the marginalised, proclaims the gospel in tangible and compassionate ways. This ‘kinship of word and deed’ strategy enables gospel ministers to focus on the holistic needs of urban dwellers (Monsma 2000:21).

Santos (2014:71), White (1892:322), Bakke (1997:39), and Keller (2012:107) advocate for a comprehensive incarnational ministry approach that requires Christians to evangelise by living lives that reflect Christ. White (1892:322) contends that preaching the gospel is a smaller proportion of the work required for salvation ministry; the larger proportion lies in living sanctified lives. White (1902) is convinced that:

The world will be convinced, not by what the pulpit teaches, but by what the church lives. The minister in the desk announces the theory of the gospel; the practical piety of the church demonstrates its power. (p. 16)

Likewise, Keller (2012) asserts that:

[T]he church growth movement has made many lasting contributions to our practice of ministry. But its overemphasis on technique and results can put too much pressure on ministers because it underemphasizes the importance of godly character and the sovereignty of God. (p. 107)

While living holy lives is an essential strategy, Chester (2004:61–62) provides the crucial balance, arguing that both words and deeds are important complementary forms of fulfilling God’s mission. He contends that ‘social activity can be a bridge to evangelism, and social activity is the partner of evangelism. Social action, then, can precede, accompany or follow evangelism’ (Chester 2004:61–62).

Conn and Ortiz (2001:347–348) introduce the eschatological thrust of God’s kingdom, contending that the contemporary urban Church must advocate for change by preaching a holistic redemptive gospel. This includes correcting the widespread inequalities, prejudices, injustices and discriminations that marginalise the urban poor, especially immigrants. This view is rooted in God’s saving work in and through Jesus, which extends from the Incarnation to the Parousia (second coming), through which God’s eschatological kingdom has already broken through. From a missiological position, Conn and Ortiz (2001) aptly conclude:

The task of the Church is to preach the Kingdom of Christ in a way that effectively reverses the fall and brings wholeness and peace to individuals and [the] community. A world-centred spirituality – bodies without souls or vice versa […] will not make much of an impact for the church. This is because a God centred spirituality touches all aspects of life. (pp. 347–348)

While this section largely dialogues with established, foundational works on urban mission, their theology is considered timeless and ubiquitous. The fundamental theology underpinning urban mission practice, captured by the cited missiologists and theologians, has not been overshadowed by recent works, although the integration of contemporary scholars from the Global South – such as Mbembe (2021) and Agbede (2022) – and urban theorists such as Saunders (2010), alongside the specific missiological focus provided by Landau (2020) and the ethical pronouncements of Francis (2014), allows for a necessary interaction with the specific socio-political and migratory realities of the 21st century global city. The ensuing subsection discusses a few other urban mission ministry models, as proposed by some missiologists.

Urban ministry models that facilitate the fulfilment of God’s mission

According to Santos (2014:75–76), there are five models of urban ministry that are not presented as definitive or conclusive frameworks, but rather as illustrative examples of existing approaches to organising church life and promoting growth or development within urban centres. These models span a range of distinct focuses, specifically including the small group, the missional community, church planting, leadership development and the centre of influence. The small groups model is effective in accentuating discipleship (Santos 2014:75). According to Mike and Absalom (2010:216; cf. Santos 2014:76), the missional communities ministry model consists of a group of people, which can be the same size as an extended family. This group collectively performs God’s mission ‘outside the regular confines of the church building’ (Santos 2014:76). This ministry model is preoccupied with maintaining Church values in urban areas and assimilating new disciples (Santos 2014:76). The third model, church planting, is crucial to urban mission (Santos 2014). This model is derived from Apostle Paul’s strategy of planting new churches in strategic cities (Santos 2014). For instance, in his second missionary journey, Paul founded a Church in Thessalonica, which then stood as a model for others that were planted thereafter (Santos 2014). This is buttressed by Wagner (1989:168), who advances the Church planting ministry model as the most effective evangelistic approach in both urban and rural settings.

As the term implies, the leadership development ministry model for urban mission focuses on developing leaders (i.e. lay pastors) for the newly planted churches. Santos (2014:78; cf. Alawode & Jangado 2023:6) refers to this model as the lay pastors’ programme, whose aim is to train lay pastors to lead and expand the urban Church. Alawode and Jangado (2023:6; cf. Krallmann 2002) bemoan the lack of competent leaders in both the Church and the secular world. Finally, the centre of influence model focuses on developing multiple activities, such as ‘lifestyle education, treatment rooms, bookstores/reading rooms, restaurants, literature ministries, lectures, small groups, health, and culinary seminars’ (Santos 2014:78).

The above-cited urban ministry models are largely reasonable and useful; however, in contemporary cities, the Church ought to be cognisant of various complex realities that can make its mission challenging, as discussed in section 1.2.2.1.1. Alawode and Jangado (2023:2–4) interacted with the various scholarly readings, from which they identified five challenges associated with urban mission, particularly in Nigerian cities. These challenges are: postmodernism, secularisation, pluralism, multiethnic and social-stratification, and in the Nigerian context, they can be tackled using a range of 21^st century-oriented principles (Alawode and Jangado (2023:4–7).

Although many other scholars and missiologists also attest to the existence of the above-mentioned challenges of contemporary urban mission, I critique Alawode and Jangado (2023) for omitting the urban landscape of fear as a key problem that needs to be considered when developing a theological and IEM of urban ministry. Having identified this lacuna, the ensuing subsection discusses how the culture of fear in urban areas hinders mission. This issue is not covered in any of the scholarly works that were engaged with. That is, when developing a theological and IEM for urban mission, the final section will outline how the aforesaid fear plagues cities across the globe.

The culture of fear in cities as an obstruction to the mission of the Church

DCAF – Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (2019) identifies the following criminal activities as sources of urban insecurity: sexual, domestic and gang violence, intimidation, terrorism, property vandalism, and homicide. Apart from engaging in transnational drug and human trafficking networks, gangs also use various forms of harassment to extort money from residents (DCAF – Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance 2019). As shown below, acts of terrorism are becoming commonplace in many urban areas worldwide:

Cities are particularly vulnerable to terrorism because they are target rich and highly accessible. While terrorists usually engage in targeted attacks, such as raids or bombings, some groups manage to control large urban areas, where they dominate local government. (DCAF – Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance 2019:2)

For instance, although the US Federal Government has been doing its best to curb terrorism, it is apparent that the scourge has reached great heights countrywide (U.S. Government Accountability Office 2023:n.p.). Between 2010 and 2021, 231 incidents of domestic terrorism, including plots and attacks, were reported in U.S. cities and metros. This is arguably the case in other cities across the globe.

The Urban Safety Reference Group (2021:15–29) studied the state of urban safety in South African cities such as Johannesburg, Cape Town, eThekwini, Ekurhuleni, Tshwane, Nelson Mandela Bay, Mangaung, Buffalo City and Msunduzi. The study reported that murder, gender-based violence, sexual offences, robberies at residential and non-residential buildings, vehicle theft, and carjacking were prevalent across all the above-named nine metropolitan cities in varying degrees. Murder is one of the gross criminal activities that induces serious fear and insecurity among urban dwellers, and in 2020/2021, it was reported that:

[H]alf of all recorded murders in South Africa occurred in the nine cities, which are home to 43% of the country’s population. The average murder rate of 39 per 100 000 for the nine cities was well above the national murder rate (33.5), and most cities followed the national trend of a long-term decline, with an increase after about 2011/12. (Urban Safety Reference Group 2021:22)

However, in many other cities across the globe, foreigners are usually accused of engaging in unlawful activities such as terrorism and murder, and this induces fear of migrants among urban dwellers (Brunsdon & Magezi 2020:3; Kiewit 2019:n.p.; Pluncinska 2015:n.p.; Van Lennep 2019). For instance, Pluncinska (2015:n.p.) notes that the Paris Massacre of 2015, which was allegedly perpetrated by a foreign national intensified anti-immigrant sentiments in many European countries. The same applies to South Africa, where foreign nationals are increasingly linked to unlawful activities, thereby worsening feelings of fear and resentment of foreign nationals (cf. Kiewit 2019:n.p.; Brunsdon & Magezi 2020:3; Van Lennep 2019:n.p.). Such an atmosphere impedes urban mission, as native Christians in urban areas may not be comfortable to reach foreign nationals with the gospel if they perceive them as criminals.

For instance, the strained relationship between the Church and migrants in South Africa cities can be illustrated by an event in which a religious leader, Anglican Archbishop Thabo Makgoba and an official from the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC), Reverend Chris Nissen, reported that they were assaulted by a group of immigrants who had taken residence at the Cape Town Greenmarket Square Methodist Church (Kiewit 2019:n.p.). In this way, fear is not limited to crime or security issues, but it is also the fear of the other, fear of migrants, fear of people who are different and many others who are not discussed in this article, because of space constraints (cf. Gontijo & Lana 2020:91–111; Stopa, Denton & Wingfield 2013:188–209). However, Dumbrava (2015:121) and Heleta (2018) argue that the fear of the others in global cities is fuelled by the media and the authorities through inaccurate over-reporting of migration issues. Dumbrava (2015) states that:

[I]n the age of declarative cosmopolitanism and globalization, the ancestral fear of ‘the Other’ keeps resurfacing under the form of nationalism and xenophobia, very often generated and fuelled by the media themselves. (p. 121)

The above-listed criminal activities and trends are becoming rampant in cities across the globe, resulting in residents resorting to fortifying their security, by building electrified fences and high walls in a bid to keep the intruders out (Marks & Overall 2015). Therefore, most of the high walls and fences that surround residential properties in cities are indicative of the aforesaid culture of fear and insecurity, which makes it difficult to minister the gospel to the middle- and high-income classes who reside in suburban areas that are manned by private security companies around the clock (Marks & Overall 2015). While the high walls, electric fences and security personnel are ostensibly meant to keep intruders at bay, they also impede the Church’s mission. In addition, suburban residents are not easily accessible because they spend the better part of the day at work, after which they retreat to the safety of their private homes.

Stated otherwise, the culture of fear and insecurity in cities is fuelled by rampant crime. Consequently, the wealthier residents withdraw from public spaces and hole themselves up in their homes, thus limiting social interaction. It is within this challenging environment that the urban Church must be innovative to advance the gospel in a holistic sense. In essence, I am conscious that, in theory, the economically vulnerable and marginalised citizens, who live in high-density areas and squatter camps, are more accessible than their well-to-do counterparts in the low-density areas. However, the culture of fear is so pervasive that even the urban poor experience it, as they are also vulnerable to criminal activities. Given this, the ensuing section develops a theological and IEM of urban mission that draws from the works of various scholars and missiologists. Furthermore, the model considers the contemporary complex and harsh reality, which is compounded by the culture of fear, thereby forestalling the urban mission of the Church.

A Theological and integrated ecclesiological model for urban mission: Engaging migration and systemic needs

The contemporary city is fundamentally shaped by migration, driven by both ‘push’ factors (e.g. lack of opportunity) and ‘pull’ factors (e.g. promise of better livelihoods). As urban mission scholars emphasise (Bakke 1987:33; Conn & Ortiz 2001:320, 325), this inflow means that mission is no longer solely about crossing international borders; the mission field – comprised of unsaved people from diverse backgrounds – is now right on the Church’s doorstep (White 2012:10). This reality demands an integrated model for the Church to minister holistically to the multitudes of migrants who often fail to realise their dreams and instead face poor service delivery, unemployment and squalid living conditions in high-density areas.

Theological and biblical frameworks guiding the model

The proposed IEM is built upon a robust theology that mandates a holistic response to the city’s needs, particularly those of disadvantaged urban migrants. This missiological conviction emphasises that mission must address the totality of human need – spiritual, mental, psychological and emotional (Kritzinger 1990:132). This is rooted in the biblical theme of God’s Justice and Compassion (Ps 82:3; Lk 4:16–21; Mt 25:31–46), which confirms God’s intensive interest in the well-being of the poor, the foreigner, the widow and the orphan (Kritzinger 1990:132). The context of these texts is compelling: Psalm 82:3 explicitly commands the defending of the weak and maintaining the rights of the poor; Luke 4:16–21 records Jesus’s inaugural declaration of a holistic and liberation-oriented mission; and Matthew 25:31–46 links serving the vulnerable (the stranger or foreigner) directly to serving Christ. These passages collectively demand that the Church actively denounce the injustice and oppression that marginalised residents experience.

The model acknowledges that Original Sin (Gn 3; Rm 3:23–24, 5:12–21) distorted the relationship between humanity and God and among humanity itself, recognising sin as both personal and public (Conn & Ortiz 2001:343–344). Consequently, the kerygma (gospel proclamation) is paramount, aiming for vertical restoration (restored relationship with God). This restoration must result in horizontal restoration (right relationship with one another). This is reinforced by the biblical theme of Love for One Another and the Imago Dei (Jn 15:12–13; Gn 1:27). The ethical imperative of John 15:12–13 – ‘that you love one another as I have loved you’ – nurtures virtues like love, while Genesis 1:27 reminds city officials and residents to safeguard the human dignity of vulnerable migrants as bearers of the Image of God.

Furthermore, the model considers diakonia ministry (compassionate service) to be intrinsic to the proclamation of the gospel; while complementary to the kerygma (Bakke 1987), it is an integral strategy for enhancing evangelism (Kritzinger 1990:138). The biblical theme of The Light of Good Works (Mt 5:16; Ja 2:18) highlights that the Christian life must manifest righteousness and good works – which serve as a powerful form of witness – as Chester (2004:61–62) argues that social action is both the bridge to evangelism and its partner.

The integrated ecclesiological model: Strategy and practice

The IEM adopts and refines existing urban ministry models to specifically respond to the challenges of migration and fear. The Incarnational Ministry Model (Conn & Ortiz 2001:335–336; Kritzinger 1990:135) is critical, following the example of Christ, who ‘forsook his divine attributes and assumed the human mode of existence’. By living among the vulnerable, Christians emulate Christ’s humility and presence (Kritzinger 1990:135). This presence is non-negotiable. While acknowledging the Missional Community model (Santos 2014:76), the IEM mandates that these small evangelistic groups live among the urban communities they intend to minister to in both words and deeds – a commitment that enables the effective establishment of new churches and the deployment of trained lay pastors.

Acknowledging that fear and insecurity (driven by crime and xenophobia) hinder mission, the IEM integrates a strategy for Countering the Urban Culture of Fear. The Church must first acknowledge and address local security concerns, then leverage community security platforms (like neighbourhood watch groups or social media forums) as safe spaces. By hosting community leaders and law enforcement agents, the Church establishes itself as a trusted community entity, thus building relationships that enable the sharing of the gospel. The ultimate goal is to help residents transition from isolation to community, and fear to faith, by assuring them of the spiritual security found in Christ’s redemptive acts. This is supported by the biblical theme of Hope in Christ’s Return (Jn 17:16; Rv 21:4), which grounds converts in the knowledge that while they are not of the world (Jn 17:16), they can endure trials with the clear hope of the comfort and absence of sorrow that will accompany Christ’s return (Rv 21:4).

Migrant-led and inclusive ecclesiology: A practical application

The proposed IEM necessitates specific structural approaches to ensure the sustainability and empowerment of migrant communities. For instance, the creation of Migrant-Led Churches focuses on Empowerment, mandating that new churches established in migrant-dense areas quickly transition to migrant leadership. This is achieved by utilising the Leadership Development Model (specifically training lay pastors) to ensure both cultural relevance and autonomous growth.

Furthermore, the model stresses the vital role of Inclusive Churches, focusing on Unity and Integration. This requires existing churches to intentionally integrate migrants into all levels of church life, including leadership, ministry teams and worship, thereby demonstrating the reconciled community of Christ and offering a foretaste of the diverse Heavenly Kingdom.

Finally, the Centre of Influence serves as the primary method for Holistic Outreach. This involves utilising Santos’ (2014:78) Centre of Influence Model – which includes activities such as bookstores, health seminars and education – to provide practical avenues for missional work (holistic human care). This approach complements evangelism (preaching salvation), aligning with Bosch’s (1991:81) reminder that mission is a broader calling than evangelism, involving making believers sensitive to the needs of the oppressed and seeing the full extent of God’s redemptive work.

Conclusion

The primary aim of this study was to establish an IEM for the holistic ministry of the Church to the massive and diverse migrant populations increasingly concentrated in global cities. Recognising that the mission field has decisively shifted to the urban core, the IEM provides a strategic and necessary response to this complex challenge.

Core principles of the integrated ecclesiological model

The IEM mandates a holistic approach rooted in theological principles that address both individual brokenness and systemic injustice in the city. The model recognises sin as both personal and public (manifested as corruption and systemic injustice). The primary task is kerygma (gospel proclamation) to restore the vertical relationship with God, a process rooted in the necessity of redemption through Christ. Conversion compels believers to recognise others as bearers of the Imago Dei [Image of God], thereby effecting horizontal restoration (right relationships) and mandating the Church to actively defend the oppressed urban residents (Lk 4:18–19; Ps 82:3).

The IEM rejects a disembodied faith and insists on holistic attention to the whole person – spiritual, physical, emotional needs, or diakonia (service). This is practically achieved through the Incarnational Ministry Model, where Christians must be present and engage all segments of the urban community, mirroring Christ’s humility (Jn 1:14). Holy living and compassionate deeds are recognised as complementary pillars of this evangelistic mission (Mt 5:16).

The model integrates a necessary response to the widespread urban landscape of fear (security threats and xenophobia). It offers a practical strategy of Strategic Engagement, using existing community security platforms as bridges for outreach. This engagement establishes the Church as a trusted entity, introducing the prophetic message of hope and peace in Christ. This process culminates in conversion, the establishment of new structures and the deployment of trained lay pastors. Finally, for long-term vitality, the IEM prioritises Migrant Integration through the strategic deployment of lay pastors from within the new community. This ensures that the resulting churches are migrant-led and that the overall ministry fosters genuinely inclusive churches that authentically embody the horizontal restoration intended by the gospel. In summary, the IEM provides an integrated and actionable framework for the Church to fully meet its holistic mission in the face of complex urban migration realities.

Acknowledgements

This article is based on research originally conducted as part of Christopher Magezi’s doctoral thesis titled ‘Theological understandings of migration and church ministry models: A quest for holistic ministry to migrants in South Africa’, submitted to the Faculty of Theology, North-West University in 2018. The thesis was supervised by Christopher Rabali. The manuscript has since been revised and adapted for journal publication. The original thesis is available at: https://repository.nwu.ac.za/items/1570306b-7b65-4c21-bfba-583c3e76079d

This article is based on data from a larger study. A related article focusing on holistic ministry approach to migration has been published in In die Skriflig/In Luce Verbi 56(1), article 2770. This article addresses a distinct research question, focusing on rethinking urban mission in light of migration.

The author declares that no financial or personal relationships inappropriately influenced the writing of this article.

Christopher Magezi: Conceptualisation, Data curation, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Resources, Software, Supervision, Validation, Visualisation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. The author confirms that this work is entirely their own, has reviewed the article, approved the final version for submission and publication, and takes full responsibility for the integrity of its findings.

This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

The author confirms that the data supporting this study and its findings are available within the article and its listed references.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and are the product of professional research. It does not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency or that of the publisher. The author is responsible for this article’s finding, and content.

References

Footnote

1. Awumbila (2015:4) notes that ‘migration can be a reaction to severe poverty, or a chosen livelihood strategy to improve upon household wealth’.