Abstract
This article examines the multifaceted role of church leaders in mitigating political violence in Zimbabwe. The study draws on empirical qualitative interviews with church leaders to explore how they harness their social and religious connections, political engagement, religious authority and mediation skills to achieve successful mitigation and prevention of violent conflict. The study reveals that the roles of church leaders in mitigating political violence are multifaceted. The article discusses these roles in four underlying themes: (1) preventing violence by identifying potential political violence at grassroots level, (2) political involvement and the engagement dilemma, (3) spiritual and moral leadership role, and (4) mediation and dialogue, emphasising the role of ecumenical statements and pastoral letters as tools for fostering national conversations on peacebuilding. The findings highlight that the church, rather than a passive observer, is an active agent of change in the face of the pervading political violence. However, the study also brings to the fore the inherent challenges faced by the church leaders in exercising their roles in dealing with violent conflict, such as the risk of partisanship and the complexities in translating spiritual capital into measurable political outcomes.
Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This interdisciplinary study is located at the intersection of peace studies and political theology. It not only contributes to theoretical debates on conflict transformation in religious contexts but also offers practical insights for enhancing the peacebuilding role of the church in Zimbabwe and similar political contexts.
Keywords: church; political violence; change agents; peacebuilding; conflict transformation; religious capital.
Introduction
Zimbabwe’s political terrain is characterised by corruption, politically motivated violence, allegations of vote rigging, economic instability, moral decadence and other social ills (Chamburuka 2023). Among these ills, political violence continues to be a persistent challenge, deeply embedded in historical conflicts, and violent contestation and struggles for power. Amid this tumultuous socio-political environment, the church’s role has shifted from a predominantly spiritual haven to an active participant in the construction of public discourse and politics. It must be observed that Zimbabwe struggles with these political, economic and social ills, despite having a predominantly Christian population. It is a paradox that political violence persists in such a Christian nation where even the two main Presidential candidates in the 2018 and 2023 elections both professed to be Christian, and yet political violence persists. This points to the complexity of the relationship between the church, politics and violence in Zimbabwe.
Historically, church organisations such as the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ) and Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference (ZCBC) have possessed significant social and religious capital, a key resource in mitigating conflict situations and dealing with violence. It has been argued that during crisis seasons, the Church becomes a place of refuge and a source of hope and restoration for all in the society (Dah 2015). In the Zimbabwean context, the church leaders have often assumed critical roles in times of crisis. These roles extend to unofficial mediators, moral authorities, peace brokers, peacebuilders, reconcilers, counsellors, among others. In the past decades, however, there has been debate as to whether the church intensifies or alleviates political violence (Chitando & Togarasei 2010; Mujinga 2018).
This article seeks to provide a critical examination of church leaders as agents of peace and/or conflict transformation. The article makes use of the Conflict Transformation Theory to understand how church leaders contribute to creating a conducive environment for sustainable peace to prevail. The objective of this article is to understand how church leaders combine grassroots sensitivity, political involvement and spiritual intervention to transform conflict dynamics. The study acknowledges that the church has been riddled with challenges such as poverty, divisions and corruption, which have weakened its capacity to effectively engage in the political landscape (Magezi & Tagwirei 2022). This article contributes to the literature on the church-state nexus by providing a nuanced understanding of the transformative potential of church leadership in conflict situations, particularly in post-colonial Africa. By bridging theoretical frameworks with practical insights, the study emphasises that the path to sustainable peace lies in a balanced, integrative approach that leverages the unique strengths of religious institutions and actors.
Literature review
The intersection of church organisations and political engagement in Zimbabwe has evolved through a complex and often contradictory historical trajectory, marked by activism, complicity, fragmentation and a continuous negotiation of moral authority. Scholarly engagement with this subject reveals a wide range of interpretations, which uniquely provide different valuable lenses through which to understand the complex and multifaceted role of church organisations in any nation’s political landscape. A critical contribution in understanding the layered dynamics in the Zimbabwean religio-political landscape is a study performed by Ruzivo (2020), which provides an investigation on the role of ZCC as a prominent ecumenical group in Zimbabwe. He unpacks ZCC’s involvement in Zimbabwe’s political terrain and its contribution towards development in Zimbabwe’s 35 years of independence. The study highlights that the ecumenical body has been actively involved in Zimbabwe’s political landscape since its inception in 1964 (during the colonial era) and it has continued to play an active role in the post-independence period. The study reveals that the relations between the ZCC and the state have not been the same throughout the period and highlights the tensions that existed within the early years of post-independence Zimbabwe. The period under review (1980–2015) is marred by church-state tensions and characterised by varied responses of the ZCC to the political developments, including the elections and politically motivated violence. Ruzivo (2020) provides an analysis of the effectiveness of the ZCC’s responses and how this contributed to the democratic and political processes in Zimbabwe.
Another key study on the ZCC by Murwira and Manyeruke (2020) also acknowledges the involvement of ZCC in colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe and provides a historical background. Their contribution brings to light the fact that the ZCC’s relations with the state have not been uniform in its more than five decades of existence since its inception in 1964 (up to the time of writing this article) describing them as ‘changing from sour, mild to sound’ (Murwira & Manyeruke 2020). These changing relations between the ZCC and the state are also noticed in Dube’s (2020) study, which traced the history of the ZCC and discusses this within the parameters of the church’s prophetic mission. Dube (2020) arrives at a similar conclusion, that there has been a shift in the ZCC’s engagement with the state from colonial times to post-independent Zimbabwe, whereby during colonial period the character of the ZCC was pro-poor, marginalised and oppressed masses. Paradza (2019:3) similarly concluded that during the armed struggle for independence, the Church movement largely collaborated with the liberation movements and provided a training ground for the key nationalists and political figures. Against this background, it is also argued that ZCC was more confrontational in engaging the state, something which has drastically changed in the post-colonial period where it has been argued to have silenced its prophetic voice and become less confrontational.
Such literature is crucial for this study in understanding the contributions of the church towards peace and development in Zimbabwe. For Dube (2020), it is this muted prophetic voice that needs to be regained for the ZCC and the church organisation in Zimbabwe to contribute meaningfully towards peace and development in Zimbabwe. However, while these studies are commendable, it is worth noting that the ZCC cannot be the sole representation of the church to bring about the desired change. Therefore, this article widened the scope to include the perspectives of other church leaders outside the ZCC or any other ecumenical bodies in Zimbabwe, to gain insights on their contribution in Zimbabwe’s search for durable peace, particularly in the era of the second Republic, which came into effect in 2017. The second Republic came into effect after the ousting of former President Robert Mugabe, through a military coup, which saw the ascension of President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, whose reign has been widely dubbed as the New Dispensation or the Second Republic interchangeably (Chamburuka 2023; Magezi & Tagwirei 2022).
According to Phiri (2001), the Church in Africa has neither spearheaded nor initiated socio-political engagement but has been unwillingly sucked into the socio-political drama and/or at times has been overtaken by events prompting reactionary responses. This research will, therefore, establish whether the church leaders in Zimbabwe have been proactive in spearheading initiatives to prevent political violence or their efforts have been largely reactionary in putting out the fires of political turmoil in Zimbabwe. The church organisations and church leaders in Zimbabwe exist in an environment that is not friendly (Tagwirei 2024). They are treated with suspicion by the government, which sees them as an opposition arm or political organisation (Masengwe 2024). They are regarded as an enemy of the state and a threat to the political power of Zimbabwe African National Unity Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). As Tagwirei (2024:1) noticed, ‘the ruling government of Zimbabwe has been militantly silencing dissenting voices’. The ZANU PF government labels any organisation and individual that is critical of its conduct as driving a Western-sponsored regime change agenda and acts as agents of neo-colonisation, which seeks to reverse the gains of the liberation struggle. Murwira and Manyeruke (2020) further argue that the ZCC was susceptible to negative criticism by the ZANU PF government because of its external funders and it was regarded as a regime change agent with no interest in the masses, but only its external masters. This, therefore, rendered the ZCC a suspect and was thus treated with caution.
There is a need for investigation into the wider church collective and its contributions beyond ecumenical and denominational silos. A critical contribution to this end is a study carried out by Manyonganise (2020), which explores the ecumenical terrain in Zimbabwe and focuses on three bodies (namely, ZCC, ZCBC and Evangelical EFZ), to highlight their contribution in Zimbabwe’s development. This crucial literature explores the cooperation of ecumenical bodies towards a new Zimbabwe by acknowledging and proving that, in order for sustainable development to become a reality in Zimbabwe, the ecumenical movement needs to operate in unity, not isolation. The study discusses the collaborative efforts of these ecumenical bodies and how they have challenged the state when it has abused its power. It also shows how these efforts have been aimed at mitigating the socio-economic and political ills faced by the nation, which worsened during the period under investigation that is post-2000. However, these collaborations are not without any weaknesses and limitations as highlighted by Manyonganise (2020). Chief among these limitations and weaknesses is the fact that it is almost unrealistic to always attain consensus from the three ecumenical bodies whose doctrines are distinct and worlds apart. The former EFZ President Goodwill Shana likens the attempt to get consensus as ‘trying to get elephants to dance’ (Manyonganise 2020:48). This is crucial for this study as it seeks to unpack the role played by the church leaders in fostering collective efforts within and outside ecumenical bodies insofar as bringing peace is concerned. The relevant question here is: How far are church leaders willing to compromise doctrinal and denominational differences for the sake of overcoming limitations for the greater good of the church collective and the nation at large?
The political engagement of Zimbabwean Churches
The role of churches in Zimbabwean politics has evolved into a complex interplay of resistance, complicity, neutrality and negotiation, especially since the early 2000s. Beyond examining the ecumenical contributions of church bodies in Zimbabwe, there has been widespread scholarly attempt to understand denominational contributions to the national peace landscape. The key contributions have focused on churches such as the Zion Christian Church, Roman Catholic Church (RCC), Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM), Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa (ZAOGA) and the Vapostori (Apostolic sects). Several studies have sought to understand how these denominations have navigated the terrain of political violence, national healing, reconciliation and governance crises facing Zimbabwe. The literature shows a diverse, and at times contradictory, landscape of religious political agency that continues to shape and be shaped by Zimbabwe’s volatile socio-political terrain.
For instance, Maposa, Sibanda and Makahamadze (2011) argue that Christian churches such as ZCC can forge an African identity as a sine qua non for a vibrant and harmonious society. This contribution explores the political experiences of the church and its members during the colonial era and traces it to the post-colonial era. The ZCC and its members have not been spared of the political violence, and in one way or another, they have been scathed as either victims or perpetrators of this politically motivated violence, more especially during the period before and after the elections. The study shows the contradictions of official church positions versus member actions, arguing that even when church denominations tend to remain neutral in the face of political violence, church members sometimes resort to responding violently against perpetrators of political violence. This article therefore seeks to extend the work of Maposa et al. (2020) by investigating how denominational leaders practically reconcile neutrality with the need for justice and protection of their communities.
Conversely, Chimhanda and Dube (2011) document the role of the RCC in promoting national healing after the 2008 election violence. The RCC has historically been more assertive in the political domain, hence it has been widely credited for its prophetic boldness and consistent critique of political injustices and government excesses. However, the RCC’s influence is constrained by the state’s hostility, wherein religious critique is equated with Western-sponsored regime change agendas. This is compounded by laws such as the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the NGO Act, which severely curtail civil and religious freedoms (Muwanzi 2018). Muwanzi’s analytical study on the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ) similarly reveals that despite significant efforts in reconciliation, including identifying both victims and perpetrators and collaborating with civil society organisations (CSOs), these efforts are often hampered by restrictive legal frameworks and political suspicion. Muwanzi’s study makes a significant contribution to the body of knowledge and provides major findings that point to the fact that the church through the umbrella organisation (MCZ) has been actively involved in the peacebuilding architecture, and it has engaged both victims and perpetrators of violence in its engagements. It also reveals that in its multiple-faceted approaches, the church through the MCZ has collaborated with other CSOs in the pursuit of peace. However, these studies demonstrate that even churches with robust peacebuilding infrastructures face systemic resistance from the state, which regards religious activism as subversive.
Pentecostal churches, which have long been perceived as apolitical, are now being re-evaluated in the light of empirical evidence. Maxwell (2000) uses ZAOGA to explore how Pentecostalism has not only accommodated but also legitimised authoritarian political power. He observes that ZAOGA maintained the status quo in exchange for reciprocal legitimation, revealing a troubling convergence between church and state elites. Maxwell’s comparative insights into nepotism and cultism within both ZAOGA and ZANU-PF are particularly illuminating. Similarly, Gifford (1998) warns that while Pentecostals in Zambia denounce corruption, they often lack a defined social agenda, making their political involvement sporadic and personalistic. Togarasei (2013), however, challenges the apolitical narrative, arguing that Pentecostal churches have engaged with politics in varying degrees; some issuing statements, others engaging in humanitarian relief, and some aligning with the state. He urges Pentecostals to respond to suffering with conscious political reflection. Notably, AFM, as analysed by Sande (2017), offers a hybrid model where churches can ‘Christianise politics’ through shaping political ethics rather than simply retreating from political engagement. Sande’s advocacy for politicised faith expands the normative horizons of Pentecostal engagement, contrasting with Maxwell’s more cynical view of mutual elite legitimation. This study builds on both arguments by assessing whether current Pentecostal leaders have adopted transformative political agency or have succumbed to co-option.
In the article, ‘What about the Vapostori now? The ambivalence of politics of relevance among indigenous churches in Zimbabwe’, Dube (2019) discusses religion as a tool of political mobilisation and problematises the fact that the Vapostori in Zimbabwe have been enmeshed in party politics, mobilising for the ZANU PF party. Dube (2019) argues that by assuming the role of agents of political mobilisation and being partisan, the religious institution imposes its political choice and cripples the voters. The article argues that because of their large constituencies and following, churches have been hijacked by political parties and turned into breeding spaces for political power. As a result, politicians have been synonymous with visiting churches to garner support for their parties especially ahead of elections especially during the Mugabe era. However, the author discusses the visit of Vice President General Chiwenga to a Vapostori site by, just before his inauguration. This shows the continuation of the old guard as far as mobilisation and legitimisation tactics are concerned. As Nkosi (2017) argues, Chiwenga’s visit was a bid to garner political support and legitimisation for the coup. This therefore points to a political environment in which politicians permeate and exert their influences on the church. As a result, it can be argued that the state has captured the Vapostori sect giving it a political mandate and rendering it biased and irrelevant. The capture of the Vapostori has been enabled by the conniving relations between the politicians and the religious leaders to achieve political mobilisation (Dube 2019). The religious leaders and elite pretend that their political views are a true representation of their entire congregants and therefore strip their constituencies of their political choices. This imposition of choice is a social and political injustice that needs to be shunned for the Vapostori to become relevant as an apolitical religious organisation championing peace and democracy in Zimbabwe.
The article makes a valuable and significant contribution to the literature by contending and problematising the role of the Vapostori in the political arena. It highlights the diverse ways in which social justice and people’s emancipation and empowerment have been dealt a severe blow through the conduct of the Vapostori movement. While it focuses solely on the Vapostori, the article provides an in-depth insight into how acts by religious elites can derail national development issues. This research therefore will provide insights on how the church leaders (as key players) are conscious of the possibilities of political capture, which can jeopardise the church’s efforts to bring lasting peace in Zimbabwe. This research therefore enhances Dube’s argument by providing a church leadership perspective on the role of the church in the political space. Dube (2016:27) further argues for collaborative efforts of religious institutions, which ultimately bring churches together as a public domain for all whose inclusivity will reduce prejudice, misrepresentation of religious ideologies and flaws that cause divisions and conflict in society. The elimination of potential causes and drivers of conflict within religious institutions allows for a more prominent voice and united front for the church collective and thereby enhances its role within the political space and its ability to meet society’s needs.
Recent studies have critically examined the role of the Church in Zimbabwe’s socio-political landscape and argued that the church has significant moral authority based on the country’s religious population, dominated by Christian faith but yet it continues to be undermined by several factors (Chamburuka 2023; Mafohla & Sipeyiye 2024; Magezi & Tagwirei 2022; Masengwe 2024; Tagwirei 2024). Among the key determinants of the church’s failure to effectively influence society for good and eradicate persistent social ills is political co-option by the state, internal fragmentation of the church collective and corruption.
In his assessment of the state of the church in Zimbabwe as a vehicle of transformation in dealing with the country’s socio-political crises, Tagwirei (2024:1) characterises the church as a ‘cold, sleeping and dying giant’ needing a revival and re-awakening. He argues that the church’s moral authority has been largely compromised, hence the church has failed to effectively influence political reform in Zimbabwe. This study is crucial as it unpacks the failure of the church to influence transformation in the Second Republic, which remains characterised by competition, intimidation, exclusion, bullying and survival of the fittest (Chamburuka 2023). Masengwe (2024) expands this critique, by examining the erosion of the church’s prophetic zeal as a result of the church leaders’ entanglement with partisan, exclusive politics. In exploring the realities of the church-state relations in the Second Republic, Masengwe (2024) points to the exploitation of the religious mandate for expedient political gain, citing the formation of entities such as the Pastors4ED and Mapostori4ED as evidence of the capturing of the prophetic voice to advance narrow political interests of the elite at the expense of the integrity of the church. He characterises these movements as unconstitutional and immoral movements made up of ‘political choristers’ who align (driven by their greed and desire for state resources) themselves with the ruling elite, thus abandoning their prophetic zeal. Such is the context in the new dispensation, whereby the authentic prophetic voices have been silenced, sidelined, infiltrated or countered by formations aligned to the President and the ruling party. These studies provide a fundamental basis in understanding the extent to which the church has upheld its prophetic mandate particularly in times of political crisis.
The study carried out by Magezi and Tagwirei (2022) is also crucial because it unpacks the fragmentation of the church and details how these divisions have worsened under the current political dispensation. Their work critiques the manner in which the Mnangagwa administration has failed to effect real political change but instead continued perpetuating the existing patterns of intolerance and authoritarianism of the Mugabe era. According to Magezi and Tagwirei (2022:1–2), many church leaders have been co-opted by the regime, while others, out of fear or ideological alignment, have withdrawn from political engagement altogether, which has significantly affected the church and hindered its leaders from exercising their role as agents of moral leadership and transformation. This is crucial for this study as it acknowledges that the church leaders do not operate in a vacuum, but they exist in a volatile, violent and unfavourable environment, which calls for decisive prophetic voice to bring about the desired change. It is within this context that the study agrees with Magezi and Tagwirei (2022) that the call for the church leaders to speak truth to power is not a simplistic exercise but one that demands boldness, self-denial and massive sacrifice.
Theoretical framework: Conflict transformation theory
The study makes use of the transformative conflict transformation theory, as postulated by John Paul Lederach (1997, 2005), which holds that enduring peace is more than an absence or cessation of violence; rather, it emerges from the transformation of interpersonal relationships, social structures and cultural narratives that initially give rise to conflict (Adedeji 2024). For Ntem (2025), conflict transformation entails a holistic approach that addresses the multiple dimensions of disagreements. The theory perceives conflict not just as a problem to be resolved, but rather as an opportunity for transformation. The theory considers that conflicts are an inevitable and necessary feature that shape how people interact with each other within their community (Nyaoko, Anthony & Ojwang 2025). This theory transcends the traditional models of conflict resolution in its focus on transforming the root causes of conflict through social value changes, participatory communication and intense relational engagement. As Coker and Brown (2025) indicate, the theory transcends the resolution of immediate problems to address the deeper roots of conflicts such as injustice, exclusion or inequality. In the case of Zimbabwe, where political violence has deep historical, economic and social roots, the theory provides a solid theoretical foundation for understanding how church leaders, by virtue of their close connections with the grassroots, moral legitimacy, and mediatory skills, can effect meaningful change beyond the resolution of immediate issues. The theory seeks to build sustainable peace by altering the existing perceptions, systems and attitudes that lead to conflict (Coker & Brown 2025).
In order to effectively transform conflict and build lasting peace, the theory further underpins that all the actors and stakeholders in the conflict must be fully engaged and involved in the designing and implementation of the transformative processes (Adedeji 2024). The church therefore becomes a middle ground for the victims and perpetrators to come to the table and negotiate for a sustainable solution to the conflict. As Nyaoko et al. (2025) emphasise that in every conflict, it is imperative to notice that neither of the parties involved is a winner or a loser. The theory is applicable in exploring the role played by the church leaders in the transformation of relationships, social structures and cultural narratives that lead to sustainable peace and the successful mitigation of violent conflict. The implication of this theory is that it challenges the church leaders to critically engage with the underlying causes of political violence in Zimbabwe in their quest to bring sustainable peace and creating a conducive environment that allows for peaceful co-existence. Church leaders must therefore be constantly engaged in facilitating dialogue before, during and after the times of political turmoil. Conflict transformation thus entails a long-term search for peace through constantly enhancing relationships and networks among the people within a given context. Such a process requires the church to adopt analysis as a mechanism for conflict transformation. This analysis represents a comprehensive conflict-mapping transformation strategy that encompasses all the major elements of the conflict (Wehr 2019). Without considering the context, actors, causes and dynamics of the conflict, the church leaders’ efforts to peace will be incomplete and bound to fail. Therefore, this study argues that the church is strategically placed in society to be able to effectively use its positioning and network capacity to deal with the political conflict in Zimbabwe.
Research methods and design
The research study adopted a qualitative research approach; the objective of this approach is to provide a critical analysis of the experiences and opinions of individuals producing subjective data. This research approach was suitable for this study as it is an effective method to examine social relations (Flick 2018). This approach was used in the study to appreciate the meanings and interpretations that people attach to phenomena, and for the researcher’s attempts to understand these interactions. According to Alase (2017), this approach is characterised by a subjective and interactive nature that emphasises the participant’s perspectives of the phenomena or subject under investigation. This research drew predominantly from key informants as study participants, and collected data using structured, in-depth qualitative interviews as the main data collection instrument. Structured interviews were utilised as the researcher administered a set of scheduled questions, asked in the same order for all respondents (Zhang & Wildermuth 2009). This qualitative interview technique used open-ended questions that allowed for individual variations and enabled the facilitation of honest, frank and free responses from the participants (Van Esch & Van Esch 2013). The key informants for the study comprised of church leaders who had in-depth knowledge and understanding of the church-state relations and could provide valuable insights on the interactions of the church leaders and the state, particularly in the Second Republic. The target population for this study were church leaders based in Zimbabwe. These participants were selected using purposive sampling, a non-probability sampling technique whereby study participants are selected based on their specific characteristics and alignment to the study objectives (Crossman 2021). The study acknowledged the plurality of the church leadership, hence, it specifically chose to focus on church leaders particularly senior or lead pastor or resident priest for the local church. Where churches use different titles from the senior pastor or lead pastor, or priest, the person occupying the overall role equivalent to the former were included in the research. The research excluded non-Christian leaders of religious entities and ordinary church members.
The study recruited and interviewed 20 participants for the study. The participant responses were audio-recorded with consent from the participants prior to the interviews. The interviews were transcribed in verbatim, sorted and arranged accordingly. By transcribing audio or audio-visual data, researchers transfer recordings into written format to make the data accessible for analysis (Dresing, Pehl & Schmieder 2015:21).
The study used Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA), as illustrated by Du Plooy-Cilliers, Davis and Bezuidenhout (2014), to explore and identify overt and covert themes and patterns embedded in a text. In line with QCA, the study used a thematic inductive approach.
Ethical considerations
The study adhered to the vital principles of informed consent, voluntary participation, confidentiality and right to recourse for its participant-focused ethical considerations and was granted ethical clearance and approved on 04 August 2021 by the University of KwaZulu-Natal Humanities and Social Research Ethics Committee (reference number: HSSREC/00002977/2021).
Results
Theme 1: Identifying potential political violence
The study identifies several key themes on the active role of the church leaders in mitigating politically motivated violence. A key theme that emerged was the role of the church leaders in identifying potential political violence. This theme is characterised by the church’s proximity to grassroots dynamics, its monitoring of economic and social indicators, and its awareness of historical patterns.
This recurring theme in the analysis of the data shows that church leaders are strategically positioned to identify and address potential violence within their communities. The results from the participants indicate that by leveraging their grassroots community relationships, their network connections and spiritual authority, church leaders have the potential to contribute meaningfully towards identifying early symptoms of violence and intervening before violence escalates. Church leaders are widely regarded as the ‘eyes and ears’ on the ground. They have deep involvement in community life, through daily interactions with congregants and community, pastoral care and regular congregation meetings. All these interactions and proximity to the people enables them to perceive social discontents as they emerge. It is evident from the data that the church has the advantage of being in close proximity to the people, in the communities in which it exists. This makes it easier for the church leaders to identify potential violence. The church leaders shared these sentiments on how church leaders can play a role in identifying potential political violence. For instance, Interviewee 1 argues that ‘just like in any issue in society, if you want to identify potential trouble, you have to be on the ground’. This sentiment was echoed by Interviewee 8 who emphasised that:
‘In this part of the world, it is very easy for church leaders to identify these spheres of violence, because it’s very obvious in this part of the world… if you have got elections going on in a nation, obviously everyone is following, including the church, so definitely, the eyes are opened, and it is very obvious to see what would be happening… It’s very obvious to identify.’ (male, pastor)
Interviewee 3 (male, pastor) further elaborated on how daily interactions within the church reveal underlying community dissatisfaction:
‘Obviously, through people, the dissatisfaction of people, when you’re in a church, you hear your people talking. You can see that sometimes your people don’t go to church. They don’t go to church, not because they don’t want to go to church but because there are certain obstacles – for example, there’s no money for transport. The poverty level is bad. The dissatisfaction, the way people begin to talk in a resistant manner, you can see that if they can say this in their church, what about in their communities? You can sense that something terrible is coming; it’s already brooding [breathes deeply].’ (male, pastor)
These reflections highlight the capacity of the church leaders to play a critical role in identifying potential violence and developing critical early intervention measures to prevent the actual violence from occurring. As Interviewee 5 remarked:
‘There is a lot of discontent. There are a lot of unhappy souls and unhappy people, and you come across them everywhere in the communities… Because of hopelessness and because they are lacking, because they are hungry, people will start voicing their frustration, and people will start speaking about it. They will start wanting something different.’ (female, pastor)
This critical aspect connects economic decline as a precursor to potential political violence. The participants stressed that adverse economic conditions provide a fertile ground for the escalation of tensions. Interviewee 11 remarked:
‘When our economy is struggling and there are many things that are happening, for example when the dollar is not stabilizing, you can be assured that something is going to happen politically because there are certain people who take advantage of the situation.’ (male, pastor)
Closely related to economic indicators, the participants further highlighted that church leaders must pay particular attention to economic and political developments in order to stay alert and be prepared to intervene where such developments may escalate into violence. The participants found that for the church leaders to effectively identify the potential violence, there is need for the church leaders to stay informed. As one participant explained, we (the church leaders) must ‘check in the media’ (Interviewee 11, male, pastor) to capture early signs of political unrest (especially among the youth) who are known to vocalise their discontent online. In addition, participants also observed that there is need to study history to identify and be aware of the potential causes and triggers for violence. Participants recalled that the cyclical nature of political violence in Zimbabwe has created a repository of triggers that can alert church leaders to potential risks. Interviewee 13 commented:
‘Church leaders can identify potential political violence by studying and understanding the historical past of Zimbabwe. Thereafter, they can then pick sensitive sentiments in both ruling and opposition parties.’ (female, pastor)
The link between political rallies and hate speech was also emphasised as Interviewee 11 observed:
‘We can also check with their gatherings (political gatherings) where some will use hate speech and people are being motivated to be violent, that can also be a sign that helps us to identify that political violence is on the way.’ (male, pastor)
This theme shows that the church has a key responsibility to prevent violence through grounded observation combined with monitoring digital spaces and political developments. This illustrates how church leaders can synthesise multiple sources of data in order to forecast episodes of political instability. This empowers the church leaders to be key role players in the design and implementation of peace efforts geared towards the prevention and/or mitigation of political violence in Zimbabwe. This aligns with the peacebuilding concept, which is a process that seeks to identify and eliminate all the threats to the underlying causes of violence in a society (Ntem 2025). The identification of potential causes of violence by the church leaders is a critical element in the conflict transformation process and constitutes a crucial step towards lasting peacebuilding.
Theme 2: Political involvement
The data also revealed that there are divergent views on how church leaders ought to engage politically as they seek to fulfil their mandate in building peace. Some participants argued that church leaders must be actively engaged in national politics to understand the root causes of conflict and mediate them effectively. Interviewee 3 asserted:
‘Church leaders have to be involved in politics. When you look in the bible, prophets and kings always worked together.’ (male, pastor)
Interviewee 6 shared the same sentiments and opined that:
‘Churches need to be involved in politics. However, churches have different doctrines, some of which prohibits involvement in politics…But when conflict occurs and people are affected, the church is obliged to engage in national politics in order to address these matters.’ (male, pastor)
Interviewee 2 also underscored the necessity of political involvement:
‘Church leaders have to be involved in politics… We cannot complain over stupid decisions that politicians do when we are outside or when we are excluded in the decision-making.’ (male, pastor)
This was echoed by Interviewee 7:
‘You cannot address these matters without being involved in the politics of the country. You cannot do it from the outside, but you need to do it from within of which it needs the church to engage the politicians.’ (male, pastor)
However, the data also show that many church leaders are cautious of becoming overtly partisan, which may jeopardise their moral authority and compromise their role as neutral brokers of peace. Some participants were of the view that church engagement in politics should be on a non-partisan basis, which means that church leaders must refrain from aligning with any specific political party (Sarkodie-Addo & Opoku 2023). For instance, Interviewee 10 stated emphatically:
‘It’s also very important that as church leaders, we’re nonpartisan. Very important, that we are non-aligned. Because if as a church leader, I show my political inclinations […] then the conflict starts right in the church.’ (female, pastor)
The tension between active participation and maintaining non-partisan integrity appears to be a critical area of debate. Interviewee 2 highlighted this risk by observing:
‘Many Christian leaders don’t want to be involved, to be found in conflict with the government […] some of them have been involved deeply in politics to an extent that they have lost their voice.’ (male, pastor)
Moreover, respondents drew attention to the dangers inherent in the co-optation of religious leaders by political parties. Male Pastor found that if church leaders align too closely with political parties, they may lose their ability to speak truth to power impartially. This dichotomy forms the basis of the theme on political engagement, illustrating that while involvement is essential, maintaining a degree of neutrality is equally critical to preserving the prophetic and moral mandate of church leadership.
While acknowledging this quagmire, the participants’ responses point to the need for the Christianisation of politics. This has become a significant phenomenon in Africa, with churches playing crucial roles in governance, social transformation and political affairs. The Christianisation of politics refers to the process by which Christian values, principles and leadership increasingly influence political discourse, governance and decision-making (McClendon & Riedl 2019). This idea implies that Christian leaders and politicians work to reshape national policies based on Christian morals and ethical standards. This approach seeks to influence governance, law-making and societal norms in accordance with Christian values and to promote Christianity as the dominant religious framework within the nation (Haynes 2023).
The phenomenon involves embedding Christian principles, values and leadership into political life, influencing policymaking, governance and societal norms. It reflects the intersection of religious ideology with state politics, often in pursuit of aligning national values and laws with Christian ethical teachings (Ranger 2008). This has culminated in other post-colonial states such as Zambia being declared a ‘Christian nation’ (Haynes 2023). In many other countries, Christian political parties or movements exist explicitly to bring Christian ethics into the political sphere. Such groups often advocate for laws and policies that align with Christian teachings, such as laws promoting traditional family structures, religious education in schools or limiting activities deemed morally harmful. These parties and movements may view their role as part of a divine mandate to influence society according to Christian values. For example, in South Africa, the phenomenon has seen the formation of Christian-based political parties such as the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), which has competed for state power as an advocate for Christian values (Gifford 1998; McClendon & Riedl 2019).
However, in the Zimbabwean context, according to the participant responses, the Christianisation of politics entails strategically placing Christians in key positions in the political and governance landscape of the country. It suggests the instrumentalisation of Christianity for political purposes, influencing political discourse and governance by embedding Christian values and rhetoric. According to the participants, this process involves the use of Christian rhetoric and institutions by both political elites and opposition leaders to garner support, shape political discourse and influence governance. To this end, the participants noticed that church leaders need to influence people into and in positions of power. The participants believed that the church commands a level of authority within the society; hence, most interviewees argued that the church needs to use its influence to have the right people in positions of power and governance. The church leaders also acknowledged that the church has influential leaders that can be utilised as a resource to influence the wider society because of the huge following. These influential leaders can be the face and voice of the church in campaigns and programmes for peace and good governance. The church can also utilise its leadership resources and wealth of experience to mentor and raise new leaders into spheres of influence within society. The church has a mandate to ensure that it builds character in its members, and therefore, this can extend to building character for godly leaders into positions of influence. Most interviewees shared these sentiments as Male Pastor stated:
‘Well like I said, sometimes, not sometimes but we need the right people in political parties and government. Real Christians who don’t compromise, need to influence in these matters in government, they need to be involved. We can’t speak from afar because there’s no influence that you can do from afar.’
The above-stated sentiment suggests that the church needs to groom strong leaders for public office. However, while this is a noble suggestion, there was no indication of how this can be done or any practical example of how the church has succeeded in this regard. Some participants indicated that they have politicians who are part of their congregations, as Male, Pastor stated:
‘Number one, we can influence our members, our youth, and whomever we feel, has the capacity as leaders, let them be involved in our communities. So, let them be involved with and be in politics. I’m not saying everyone should be there. But let’s have involvement. So, representation has to come from members. I’m here and I have got members that are politicians from my church. So that’s how we can influence from inside, not from outside. Let the church have representation in politics through its members.’ (male, pastor)
This was supported by interviewee 18:
‘We need Christians in strategic positions in government, and strategic positions in parties, and they should begin to be the salt and the light in those particular areas. They need to argue the Christian values (values of peace, and tolerance) above the violent political methods and methodologies that some parties use. The Christians will advocate for the right belief systems in political parties.’
These sentiments indicate the belief that church leaders share, which emphasises the need for the Christianisation of politics as a panacea to curbing problems such as political violence. Thus, this theme captures a dual imperative: on the one hand, the need for church leaders to be politically active in order to effectively intervene in and understand socio-political processes; and on the other, the caution against partisan involvement that might compromise their moral authority. These findings align with the scholarly assertions that Christian political engagement should be a transformative process rather than a partisan allegiance (Dube 2020; Sarkodie-Addo & Opoku 2023).
Theme 3: Spiritual and moral guidance
Another central theme of the church’s role, as evidenced by the results, is its spiritual and moral guidance. This theme encapsulates how church leaders deploy prayer, preaching and a model of servant leadership to mitigate political violence. The data reveal that the spiritual realm is seen both as a source of intervention and as a framework for ethical leadership.
Seeking divine intervention
A dominant narrative among participants is that the solution to political violence lies in revitalising the nation’s spiritual life. Many church leaders believe that true peace emanates from a reliance on divine intervention and adherence to biblical precepts. Male Pastor encapsulated this perspective by stating:
‘It’s simple, we need to pray and seek God. Remember, the bible says in Chronicles, if the people who are called by my name will humble themselves and pray and repent from their sins I will hear from heaven and will heal their land. Prayer is the answer. We need to pray and repent as a nation from all the violence and turn to God for help.’ (male, pastor)
This view is further supported by Interviewee 15, who remarked:
‘I believe that church leaders, before any season of maybe elections comes, should find time to pray for that season […] I believe church leaders should pray for peace of the nation and peace between political parties.’ (male, pastor)
The consensus among participants is that spiritual renewal through prayer and the preaching of an unadulterated gospel can be deployed as tools for pre-empting and even reversing the scourge of political violence. Interviewee 11 succinctly affirmed:
‘Interestingly, this should be our role because the bible says that the blessed are the peacemakers. We should make sure that we play a role in making our communities peaceful.’ (male, pastor)
These responses indicate that the church is called not only to mediate conflicts through prayer but also to create an environment where the teachings of Jesus, emphasising unity, love and non-violence, are the guiding principles of society. This aligns with Ogochi (2018) and Patton (2017), who argue that communication and engagement (prayer) between the leaders and God is central to Christian transformational leadership. The centrality of prayer is also emphasised by Tagwirei (2024) suggesting the potency of prayer in that leaders who pray for their nations will be answered, transformed and empowered to transform their congregants and communities. It is clear from these findings that church leaders place significant value on the power of prayer and divine intervention in bringing solutions to the challenges faced in society. However, it must be observed that despite ongoing prayer efforts, political violence continues to be a persistent challenge particularly in Zimbabwe.
Servant leadership
The data further show an overarching theme centred on the idea that church leaders must model servant leadership, through living out the teachings of Jesus Christ. According to Chamburuka (2023), the Bible presents Jesus as a transformational leader whose ministration was holistic in nature and sought to address the prevailing challenges in his contemporary world. Therefore, the interview evidence suggests that effective leadership in mitigating political violence depends on the character of the leaders, who must be humble, selfless and committed to serving the needs of the community. The church must therefore model this kind of servant leadership in society, more especially in the volatile political landscape such as Zimbabwe characterised by violence, misgovernance and corruption (Tagwirei 2024). To bring change in such a context, the church leaders need to be the salt and the light of the world despite the existence of oppressive and repressive political forces (Magezi & Tagwirei 2022). As Interviewee 8 opined, the embodiment of such principles is crucial:
‘The church should put away its differences and exalt walking in love. When we walk in love, we demonstrate tolerance… Our differences should not divide us. Rather, our differences should unite us.’ (male, pastor)
This call for unity and humility is further echoed by Interviewee 4, who stated:
‘If we are to ensure unity, we need to go back to the church. The church has a role to play, but the first thing is uniting the body of Christ […] If we can do it to the church, we can always lead that process of uniting society!’ (male, pastor)
In modelling servant leadership, church leaders not only reinforce their own moral authority but also set a practical example for congregants. As Interviewee 10 stressed:
‘As leaders, we need to be good stewards and take good care of God’s flock […] There must be integrity and transparency in our leadership […] If we get it right in our churches, then we can have a solid footing to challenge the political leaders on corruption.’ (female, pastor)
These viewpoints resonate with Alqatawenh (2018:18) who argued that this kind of transformational leadership idealises influence by stimulating, facilitating and enhancing collective awareness, cooperation and togetherness towards positive change. This theme demonstrates that the church’s spiritual role is twofold: firstly, as a sanctuary where divine intervention through prayer and preaching can transform hearts; and secondly, as a training ground for servant leadership that can foster a culture of ethical governance and unity. This theme further resonates with the scholarly work by Mahiya and Murisi (2022) as well as by Biri (2012) and Chibango (2016), highlighting the enduring impact of spiritual guidance in times of crisis. Chamburuka (2023:5) underscored the need for the government to acknowledge that economic development remains impossible ‘without the critical role of the church in influencing servant leadership from within and without’. This shows that the role of the church leadership as custodians of servant leadership is critical to the nation’s development both politically and economically.
Theme 4: Mediation and dialogue
Mediation and dialogue emerged as a critical theme in understanding the role of the church in mitigating political violence. Church leaders are portrayed as pivotal intermediaries who can harness their moral authority and community influence to foster reconciliation and collaborative problem-solving.
The data results reflect that church leaders view dialogue as the essential pathway to conflict resolution. The consensus is that neutrality and impartiality enable them (church leaders) to mediate effectively between conflicting parties. Female Pastor articulated this point clearly by stating:
‘The church leaders must be impartial to start with… You must always ensure that you are impartial and don’t take sides. The only side that you must take is the word of God. You must say what the word of God says.’ (female, pastor)
Interviewee 6 expanding on this role stated:
‘The church is part of the community. It dwells in the community. Now that the church dwells in the community, there is no way that the church cannot engage the communities […] It becomes the mediator, the middle ground to unite the conflicting parties.’ (male, pastor)
This mediatory role is especially significant in a context where political violence often escalates during specific events, such as electoral campaigns. Interviewee 1 observed:
‘Church leaders have the people’s advantage; numbers favour them, and they have a lot of influence […] But political reconciliation is very difficult, next to none.’
Despite the challenges, there is a clear call for sustained dialogue. Interviewee 9 emphasised:
‘In our context, this needs to be done through a process of continued dialogue… Nothing beats dialogue. The moment people stop dialoguing then conflict emerges.’ (male, pastor)
Thus, the data reveal that effective mediation requires not only a call for impartiality but also an ongoing commitment to dialogue at both community and national levels. This process, whereby church leaders facilitate discussions among diverse stakeholders, constitutes a crucial mechanism for pre-empting and resolving conflicts.
Ecumenical statements and collective action
A sub-theme within the mediation and dialogue is the use of ecumenical statements and pastoral letters as instruments of dialogue and peacebuilding. Participants observed that when the church speaks with a united voice through its representative bodies (such as the EFZ, ZCC, and UDACIZA), its pronouncements can carry significant weight. Interviewee 1 stated:
‘Our role in matters of peacebuilding in the country is crucial. Church leaders, through the representative organisations… can rise and speak in one voice against violence […] When the government sees that we are united, then it will listen.’
Similarly, other interviewees acknowledged the effectiveness of these pastoral letters and ecumenical statements, arguing that they help filter information to the grassroots where the church is involved. Therefore, this can also be utilised as an effective tool by church leaders in dealing with the issues of political reconciliation and promoting lasting peace. As Male Pastor opined:
‘Most of these pastoral letters or these statements that are made are a reaction or a response rather to what happened, and what would have happened […] The church is more effective than even the media sometimes because the church is on the ground […]’ (male, pastor)
The responses suggest that collective action by means of ecumenical and pastoral letters not only amplifies the church’s message but also protects individual leaders from the risks of political victimisation. As Interviewee 10 stated:
‘Personally, as a church leader, what I have made evident is my opinion based on scriptures, regarding the party manifestos… My role as a church leader is to build relationships within the church based on the truth.’ (female, pastor)
This concerted effort to speak with one voice is critical in an environment marked by political polarisation. It serves as both a preventive and reparative measure, ensuring that when violence is imminent, the church’s united front can serve as a catalyst for dialogue and reconciliation.
The preceding responses indicate that the church leaders understand their role as being pertinent in the resolution of conflict and they play a crucial role through their individual and collective efforts when they issue pastoral statements denouncing violence and promoting peace. These pastoral letters and ecumenical letters can thus be seen as a form of communication between the church and the state, initiating dialogue on crucial matters of national importance such as political violence. However, the responses indicated that the pastoral statements are sometimes misinterpreted as an attack against the state and therefore they attract intimidation and victimisation. This aligns with findings from Magezi and Tagwirei (2022) and Chamburuka (2023) that some church leaders prefer that ecumenical bodies must engage the state on behalf of the Church collective while others are of the view that denominational grassroot voices should complement these ecumenical voices by leveraging on their numerical strength.
Theme 5: Peacebuilding and capacity building
In addition to mediation, the interviewees identified the implementation of concrete peace-building programmes as a vital role played by the church especially in mitigating political violence. As stated by Interviewee 11:
‘We can also do some reflections on peacebuilding and how this can be done from the church’s point of view. We should design these projects and take them to the people at grassroots levels and remember the people who are engaged in perpetuating violence are members of the very same communities so these need to be targeted to the communities and then it can expand to the national or provincial levels.’ (male, pastor)
Similarly, Interviewee 3 emphasised the importance of collaborative projects with government bodies:
‘The number two way is having projects that we do with the government […] then we come in as a church […] it would be easier for us to identify that violence and to deal with it.’ (male, pastor)
The foregoing data emphasises the proactive, developmental role of the church in society. This includes conducting workshops, training programmes and leadership development courses:
‘The church can also conduct workshops for its congregants, as much as the church does have workshops that address other subjects like HIV/AIDS, let the church have workshops that address matters of peace and reconciliation, political violence, or any other form of violence and not just narrow it down to political violence and at the same time conscientize the congregants who in turn will understand their role in society. Sometimes we do have our congregants that engage in political violence when they get out there because they are not equipped. They lack conscientisation.’ (Participant 8, male, pastor)
Interviewee 3 provided a detailed account of such initiatives:
‘There is a project that I have in my church. I train leaders … we have a personal development course … and a leadership development course […] And then we have a discipleship course where we teach the basics of discipleship of Christ. These courses can be expanded to also deal with non-violent resolution of conflict and peacebuilding.’ (male, pastor)
Furthermore, Interviewee 12 highlighted the role of ecumenical bodies in structuring such initiatives:
‘I have been the Chair for Bulawayo in the EFZ. We have an organ that we call peace and reconciliation […] that organ must create peace before the violence starts and then for those who were affected by the violence we try and reconcile them.’ (male, pastor)
The data clearly reflect that church-led peace-building programmes are envisioned as multilevel interventions that target individuals, communities and even national policy frameworks. These initiatives are seen as both preventive measures and as mechanisms for restoring social harmony after episodes of political violence.
Finally, a recurring observation among the interviewees is that the success of peace programmes is inherently linked to the training and capacity building of church leaders themselves. As Interviewee 6 (male, pastor) argued:
‘If all religious leaders could undergo training… that would equip them and enable them to pass the same message to the congregants that they lead.’
This emphasis on continuous capacity building is critical in peacebuilding. This resonates with Ukiyedeikimie’s (2023) argument that peacebuilding must incorporate all the efforts involved in sustaining the prevailing conditions prior to the conflict and post-conflict peace. This means that the process not only ensures that church leaders remain effective mediators but also reinforces the broader role of the church as a stabilising force in society. The church leaders therefore identified peacebuilding as a role that the church leaders can play in mitigating political violence and building sustainable peace in Zimbabwe. It is incumbent on the church leaders to pursue projects and initiatives that seek to develop peace in the communities they serve. The findings show that the church leaders have the responsibility to engage in peacebuilding through what Boutros-Ghali (1992) defines as a range of activities meant to identify and support structures, which strengthen and solidify peace and avoid the relapse into conflict. This positions the church as a key agent for transformation in the Zimbabwean political landscape.
Discussion
The study demonstrates that church leaders in Zimbabwe are actively engaged in both the identification of political violence and its mitigation through direct political participation, the Christianisation of politics, mediation and dialogue, and spiritual intervention.
The findings suggest that church leaders are not merely passive spiritual figures, but rather active participants in the national political arena. Their active involvement at the grassroots level and daily engagements in community life allow them the advantage to monitor socio-political and economic dynamics. Such a vantage point empowers the church leaders to identify potential violence before it occurs. This early-warning capacity of the church leaders is critical for preventing political violence. As the participants observed, without proper identification of the sources of conflict, any efforts aimed at de-escalation and prevention would be rendered ineffective. Transformative peacebuilding is underpinned by the notion that sustainable peace emerges from proactive engagement with the underlying social and cultural determinants of conflict rather than solely from reactive measures (Lederach 2005). Local actors play a critical role and are best placed to intervene before violence fully escalates. The practical implication of such a finding is that it accentuates that church need to shift from reactive emergency responses to more proactive, anticipatory strategies. This proactive approach could be further supported by structured training programmes in political literacy and conflict mediation for church leaders, thereby enhancing their capacity to serve as early warning systems within their communities. However, this article argues that while the church leaders have the potential to be effective change agents in society, they have not fully utilised that potential. This is evidenced by the continued political violence, despite church leaders leaders being aware of the situation. Chamburuka (2023) recommends that the church must be proactive in her approach by empowering her members and the community at large. Most of the church efforts have been reactionary and not proactive. This failure by the church to be effective ‘salt and light’ of the world (Mt 5:13–16) reflects a deeper inadequacy of the church to transform society, which renders it useless and irrelevant to society (Tagwirei 2024). The analogy of the church being the salt points to its capacity to preserve the earth from decay and corruption, while the light aspect reflects its capacity to influence and enlighten the world. Therefore, the continued existence of moral decay, continued violence, corruption and other social ills highlights the inadequacy of the church in fulfilling its mission.
The empirical data reveal a dual nature in the political engagements of church leaders. On the one hand, the participants advocated for active involvement within political structures, as evidenced by calls for church leaders to join political parties and work within the ranks to influence policy. The Zimbabwean political context is lauded with examples of leading politicians such as Reverend Canaan Banana, Bishop Abel Muzorewa, Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole (Paradza 2019) and more recently, Advocate Nelson Chamisa, an ordained Pastor and leader of the opposition, who not only function as religious leaders but also hold political offices in the political landscape. These figures are seen as pioneers who used their religious authority to challenge oppressive regimes and advocate for democracy. It is also noteworthy that although not being an ordained church leader, President Emmerson Mnangagwa is a Christian member of the MCZ (Chamburuka 2023).
However, the participants also raised concerns on how political involvement carries the risk of partisanship, which may weaken the ability of church leaders to act impartially. The participants warned that overt political alignment with specific political parties may alienate congregation members and compromise the church’s role as an impartial mediator in political conflicts. This aligns with Chamburuka’s (2023) argument that the church leaders compromise their role as shepherds to effectively tend the flock if they decide to openly support a given political party as their congregants belong to different political formations. In the context of the second republic, where the complexity of political alliances has increased, the empirical findings suggest that a nuanced balance is required. Church leaders must engage in politics in a manner that is sufficiently participatory to influence policy, yet also restrained enough to maintain an unbiased, prophetic stance.
Theoretically, this dual imperative is well explained by Conflict Transformation Theory, which stresses the importance of engaging with political structures while preserving impartiality to facilitate dialogue and reconciliation. Maintaining neutrality is essential for the church to serve as a bridge between conflicting factions or parties. Moreover, it is further argued that while the church’s engagement in politics is inevitable, its influence should be founded on ethical and moral imperatives rather than on partisanship alone. This means that policies aimed at institutionalising the church’s role in political mediation should include mechanisms that ensure transparency, non-partisanship, and accountability. Such policies would not only protect the church’s moral authority but also enhance its capacity to guide political processes towards peaceful outcomes.
Another critical finding of the study is the notion of the Christianisation of politics. Participants argued that church leaders have a pivotal role in mentoring and empowering servant leaders who are capable of effecting ethical change within political institutions. The research highlights that the church possesses substantial social capital and leadership resources, which can be leveraged to cultivate a new generation of political actors characterised by humility, selflessness and service-oriented values. This resonates with Tagwirei (2024:1) assertion that ‘biblically and historically, Christianity is meant to enlighten people, transform their lives, and develop responsible and effective leaders whose influence transcends generations and boarders’.
This finding has significant theoretical implications. It echoes the concept of servant leadership as articulated by Greenleaf (1977) and further developed by Funga, Joseph and Sambu (2023), who argue that true leadership is premised on the prioritisation of the collective good over personal ambition. It is a kind of leadership that is transformational in nature because it inspires leaders and followers to transcend their own interests to realise shared benefits (Tagwirei 2024). Therefore, when church leaders model servant leadership, they provide a tangible counterpoint to the often exclusionary and power-driven modes of governance that characterise many contemporary political systems. As Resane (2020) contends, integrity and ethical comportment in leadership are essential for building trust and credibility among followers. Thus, the church’s role in shaping leadership ideals is not merely about political participation but is fundamentally about transforming political culture.
Practically, this finding suggests that churches should design and implement leadership development initiatives focused explicitly on servant leadership. Such programmes may include mentorship schemes, capacity-building workshops and collaborative projects with governmental and CSOs. Such programmes must be targeted at government leaders at all levels of governance, with the church playing a crucial role as shepherds and mentors to politicians (Chamburuka 2023). These initiatives would not only groom future leaders but also instil a sense of moral responsibility among current political actors, potentially reducing the prevalence of corruption and unethical behaviour. The integration of these practices could contribute to a broader culture of ethical governance and social transformation, which is crucial for sustainable peace. This connection of leadership to community transformation is also envisaged by Chamburuka (2023) arguing that the shepherding or leadership role of the church brings change in political attitudes that give rise to political violence and intimidation. This finding thus places value on the transformative role of servant leadership in mitigating and preventing politically motivated violence. Servant leadership when implemented, is a potent weapon to bring about transformation from violence to sustainable peace.
The study further reveals that church leaders are uniquely positioned to mediate conflict and facilitate dialogue between political adversaries. The results emphasised that the impartial and trusted nature of church leadership enables these figures to act as effective mediators. The church’s strong community presence, combined with its spiritual authority, equips its leaders with the social capital necessary for initiating constructive dialogue, even in contexts of severe polarisation. Conflict Transformation Theory emphasises that dialogue and reconciliation must be continuous processes that engage all parties in conflict to address underlying grievances. This resonates with Dah’s (2015) assertion that the primary role of the Christian church is to build bridges in society. It is clear from the preceding data that the people turn to the church and its leaders particularly in times of crisis. As Naganag (2019) concludes, visionary church leaders and elders play a key role in mediating disputes, a role that encompasses reconciliation, persuasion and making decisions that are not biased to any party in the conflict.
In practice, this implies that church leaders must not only be vocal in their condemnations of violence but must also facilitate platforms for dialogue and reconciliation. The development of structured mediation programmes and peace-building workshops should be seen as critical interventions. Such initiatives would allow church leaders to harness their extensive networks and resources to bring together conflicting parties, discuss grievances and negotiate peaceful solutions. This collaboration with other stakeholders is critical and aligns with Bercovitch and Kadayifchi-Orellana (2009) who argued that the collaboration of religious leaders with churches, government and non-governmental organisation is a critical element in the prevention of conflicts. For instance, the mediation role played by figures such as Father Fidelis Mukonori, who was instrumental in negotiating a bloodless transition, demonstrates how effective mediation can serve as a stabilising force in times of political crisis.
Another noteworthy finding of this study is the centrality of spiritual intervention in the church’s approach to mitigating political violence. The data show that during crisis situations, the church is a safe refuge for many of the afflicted. This aligns with Korir, Joseph and Hazel (2022) findings that the church helps people to deal with life challenges by providing a solid foundation of faith, and attending to the deepest spiritual, psychological and socio-economic needs. Such a foundation is premised on the church’s propensity to draw lessons and teachings from the Bible as the primary source of literature on conflict transformation (Miller 2013). From this spiritual perspective, the church ministers the gospel of peace, truth, love, forgiveness, tolerance and prayer for one another. As such, the participants unanimously agreed that prayer constitutes a vital political act, one that transcends individual devotion and becomes a collective strategy for national transformation. This perspective is bolstered by literature that frames prayer as a ritualised political act. Bell (1992) and Werline (2014) argue that prayer functions within a web of political relationships, serving as a tool for both personal and collective empowerment.
From a theoretical perspective, this finding aligns with the notion that inner transformation is a precursor to structural change. This is a key principle in Conflict Transformation Theory. Church leaders’ calls for national prayers and spiritual renewal can be viewed as efforts to shift the moral and ethical climate of society. In this way, prayer is not merely a private act but a public statement of resistance against injustice and a call for communal healing (see Dorr 1988; Oha 2005). Practically, the emphasis on prayer and divine intervention suggests that any comprehensive peacebuilding strategy in Zimbabwe must incorporate spiritual dimensions alongside political and economic reforms.
However, the reliance on prayer as an instrument of political change also raises critical questions regarding its empirical efficacy. Although participants assert that collective prayer has the potential to alter political outcomes, there is little systematic evidence to demonstrate that such interventions have led to measurable reductions in political violence. This gap suggests that future research should critically evaluate the impact of spiritual strategies on public policy and conflict resolution, thereby bridging the divide between subjective spiritual experiences and objective political transformations.
Conclusions
The study has demonstrated the multifaceted role of the church leaders in the national political landscape in Zimbabwe’s Second Republic. The study’s findings enrich the literature on conflict transformation and religious studies by illustrating how church leadership can serve as a transformative force in politically volatile contexts. The integration of grassroots engagement, political participation, servant leadership, mediation and spiritual intervention provides a multifaceted framework that challenges traditional dichotomies between church and state. Practically, the study has significant implications for policy and pastoral practice.
Firstly, it underscores the need for targeted capacity-building programmes that equip church leaders with the political literacy and conflict mediation skills necessary to operate effectively in Zimbabwe’s complex political landscape. Institutions and church bodies should invest in training that not only reinforces spiritual teachings but also incorporates dimensions on ethical governance, dialogue facilitation and non-partisan political engagement. Secondly, the study calls for a reconfiguration of the church’s role within national politics. Rather than viewing political involvement as antithetical to spiritual mission, this research argues that a balanced approach, which integrates the Christianisation of politics with servant leadership and mediation, can foster a culture of ethical governance and social justice. Such an approach requires that church leaders continually renegotiate their roles to remain credible mediators, capable of holding political leaders accountable while advancing a message of peace and unity.
This study contributes to the understanding of how church leaders in Zimbabwe function as multifaceted agents of change. The study concludes that in contexts of sustained political violence and social injustice, effective peacebuilding is contingent upon a holistic approach one that melds ethical leadership, proactive political engagement, grassroots mobilisation and spiritual renewal.
Acknowledgements
The study acknowledges the brave men and women of the clergy who participated in this project. Special acknowledgement goes to Prof Sibusiso Masondo (supervisor) and Dr Tahir Sitoto (co-supervisor) of the main research project.
This article is based on research originally conducted as part of James Ndlovu’s doctoral thesis titled ‘The role of church leaders in mitigating political violence in Zimbabwe’s second Republic: A prophetic or patronised voice?’, submitted to the University of KwaZulu-Natal in 2025. The thesis is currently unpublished and not publicly available. The thesis was supervised by Sibusiso Masondo and co-supervised by Dr Tahir Sitoto. The manuscript has been revised and adapted for journal publication. The author confirms that the content has not been previously published or disseminated and complies with ethical standards for original publication.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors’ contributions
J.N. conceptualised the study and contributed to methodology, formal analysis, investigation, writing original draft, visualisation, project administration, data curation, resources, review and editing of the manuscript. S.M. contributed to supervision.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability
The data for this research are available from the corresponding author, J.N., upon request. However, the sharing of the data is regulated by the Protection of Personal Information Act (POPIA), Act 4 of 2013, South Africa.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and are the product of professional research. The article does not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency, or that of the publisher. The authors are responsible for this article’s results, findings and content.
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